[“Hysterical Phantasies and Their Relation to Bisexuality”]: A quite analogous condition occurs when anyone in his conscious masturbatory phantasies pictures himself both as the man and as the woman in an imagined situation; further counterparts of this are found in certain hysterical attacks in which the patient acts at one and the same time both parts of the underlying sexual phantasy—for instance, in one case I observed, the patient pressed her dress to her body with one hand (as the woman) while trying to tear it off with the other (as the man). Sigmund Freud, Collected Papers II (1924) 58

[“Hysterical Phantasies and Their Relation to Bisexuality”]: We are all familiar with the delusional phantasies of paranoiacs which portray the person's greatness or his sufferings, and occur in stereotyped forms with almost monotonous regularity. We also come across numerous accounts of the strange conditions under which certain perverts carry out their sexual gratification—either in imagination or in reality. Nevertheless, it may be new to some readers to hear that quite analogous mental productions are regularly present in all the psychoneuroses, particularly in hysteria, and that these so-called hysterical phantasies have important connections with the causes of the neurotic symptoms. Sigmund Freud, Collected Papers II (1924) 51

[“Hysterical Phantasies and Their Relation to Bisexuality”]: It is easy to recognize a daydreamer in the street, however, by his sudden absentminded smile, his way of talking to himself, or the hastening of his steps which marks the climax of the fancied situation. Sigmund Freud, Collected Papers II (1924) 52

[“The Sexual Enlightenment of Children”]: Little Herbert, who has certainly not been exposed to any seducing influence from servants, has for some time shown the liveliest interest in that part of his body [39] which he calls his weewee-maker. Sigmund Freud, Collected Papers II (1924) 39-40

[“The Sexual Enlightenment of Children”]: Little Herbert, who has certainly not been exposed to any seducing influence from servants, has for some time shown the liveliest interest in that part of his body which he calls his weewee-maker. When only three years old he asked his mother, ‘Mamma, have you got a weewee-maker, too?’ His mother answered, ‘Of course, what did you think?’ He also asked his father the same question repeatedly. At about the same age he was taken to a barn and saw a cow milked for the first time. ’Look, milk is coming out of the weewee-maker!’ he called in surprise. At the age of three and three-quarters he was well on the way to establish correct categories by means of his own independent observation. He saw how water is run off from a locomotive and said, ‘See, the engine is making weewee, but where is its weewee-maker?’ Later on he added thoughtfully, ‘Dogs and horses have weewee-makers, but tables and chairs don't have them’. Recently he was watching his little sister of one week old being bathed, and remarked, ‘Her weewee-maker is still tiny; it will get bigger when she grows’. (I have heard of this attitude towards the problem of sex difference in other boys of the same age.) I must expressly assert that Herbert is not a sensual child nor even morbidly disposed; in my opinion, since he has never been frightened or oppressed with a sense of guilt, he gives expression quite ingeniously to what he thinks. Sigmund Freud, Collected Papers II (1924) 39-40

[“The Sexual Enlightenment of Children”]: Little Herbert, who has certainly not been exposed to any seducing influence from servants, has for some time shown the liveliest interest in that part of his body [39] which he calls his weewee-maker. Sigmund Freud, Collected Papers II (1924) 39-40

[‘The Sexual Enlightenment of Children’]: The following letter may show how torturing this very curiosity may become in older children; it was written by a motherless girl of eleven and a half who had been puzzling over the problem with her younger sister.

‘DEAR AUNT MALI—Please will you be so kind as to write and tell me how you got Chris or Paul. You must know because you are married. We were arguing about it yesterday, and we want to know the truth. We have nobody else to ask. When are you coming to Salzburg? You know, Aunt Mali, we simply can't imagine how the stork brings babies. Trudel thought the stork brings them in a shirt. Then we want to know, too, how the stork gets them out of the pond, and why one never sees babies in ponds. And please will you tell me, too, how you know beforehand when you are going to have one. Please write and tell me all about it. Thousands of kisses from all of us.—Your inquiring niece, LILY’

Sigmund Freud, Collected Papers II (1924) 41

[“The Sexual Enlightenment of Children”]: Little Herbert, who has certainly not been exposed to any seducing influence from servants, has for some time shown the liveliest interest in that part of his body [39] which he calls his weewee-maker. When only three years old he asked his mother, ‘Mamma, have you got a weewee-maker, too?’ His mother answered, ‘Of course, what did you think?’ He also asked his father the same question repeatedly. At about the same age he was taken to a barn and saw a cow milked for the first time. ‘Look, milk is coming out of the weewee-maker!’ he called in surprise. At the age of three and three-quarters he was well on the way to establish correct categories by means of his own independent observation. He saw how water is run off from a locomotive and said, ‘See, the engine is making weewee, but where is its weewee-maker?’ Later on he added thoughtfully, ‘Dogs and horses have weewee-makers, but tables and chairs don't have them’. Recently he was watching his little sister of one week old being bathed, and remarked, ‘Her weewee-maker is still tiny; it will get bigger when she grows’. (I have heard of this attitude towards the problem of sex difference in other boys of the same age.) I must expressly assert that Herbert is not a sensual child nor even morbidly disposed; in my opinion, since he has never been frightened or oppressed with a sense of guilt, he gives expression quite ingeniously to what he thinks. Sigmund Freud, Collected Papers II (1924) 39-40

[“The Sexual Enlightenment of Children”]: Little Herbert, who has certainly not been exposed to any seducing influence from servants, has for some time shown the liveliest interest in that part of his body [39] which he calls his weewee-maker. When only three years old he asked his mother, ‘Mamma, have you got a weewee-maker, too?’ His mother answered, ‘Of course, what did you think?’ Sigmund Freud, Collected Papers II (1924) 39-40

130: And the Scandinavians not only used the name in this manner, but they also used it as a religious adjunct, in the same sense in which it is used among the Irish, as it appears, that many Scandinavians who dedicated themselves to Thor, and were “godar” in his Temples, took the name of the deity they served adding to it some epithet indicative of their connexion with him. Among others they added the words, Kal or Gil, that is to say “man” or “servant of,” as Thorkel or Thorgil the man or servant of Thor. We therefore venture to suggest, that not only is the term Gille, of Scandinavian origin, but that it was introduced into Ireland by the Scandinavian worshippers of Thor. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 130

130: And the Scandinavians not only used the name in this manner, but they also used it as a religious adjunct, in the same sense in which it is used among the Irish, as it appears, that many Scandinavians who dedicated themselves to Thor, and were “godar” in his Temples, took the name of the deity they served adding to it some epithet indicative of their connexion with him. Among others they added the words, Kal or Gil, that is to say “man” or “servant of,” as Thorkel or Thorgil the man or servant of Thor. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 130

In Cleasby and Vigfusson's Icelandic-English Dictionary, Thorgil is stated to be “the same as Thorketil (by contraction)”. In poets of the 10th century the old uncontracted form was still used; but the contracted form occurs in verses of the beginning of the 11th century, although the old form occurs now and then. The frequent use of these names, combinations of Ketil, is no doubt derived from the holy cauldron at sacrifices as is indicated by such names as Vekell (holy kettle). Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 130.n4

We also know that the termination of the names of three of the provinces is Norse, the Norse word “ster” being added to the Irish name, as Mumha-ster or Munster, Ulad-ster or Ulster, and Leighin-ster or Leinster; and that Connaught had a similar termination, although it was not retained by the Anglo-Normans, the Scandinavian name being Kunnakster. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 134-5

As regards Meath, when the Archiepiscopal Palls were granted, there were five provinces in (the civil divisions of) Ireland—Meath being the fifth. The Palls, however, and consequent pre-eminence were accorded to four provinces only, an ordinary pre-eminence inter pares, in recognition of her former greatness, being the only privilege granted to Meath. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 136.n1

We find that the boundaries of the united diocese of Dublin and of Dublin and Glendalough, are the same as those here assigned to the Dyflinarskiri. Originally ecclesiastical jurisdiction was concurrent with that of the civil ruler. We have seen that the Scandinavian chief was both priest and king; in this case, however, we find two bishops in the one territory. This originated in the decrees of the Irish Synod of Rath Breasail, by which dioceses were defined, in A.D. 1110. For the Ostman bishops, not being consecrated as Irish bishops were, but consecrated according to the Roman ritual by the archbishops of Canterbury or York, the Irish clergy refused to recognize their authority, and part of this Ostman territory being inhabited by Irish Christians, the synod decreed that the whole should be placed under the Irish bishop of Glendalough; the Ostman bishopric of Dublin not being even named, and when subsequently mentioned, only mentioned as being in the diocese of Glendalough.

The diocese remained until A.D. 1151 in this state, when it was certified to Pope Innocent III., that “Master John Papiron, the legate of the Roman church, coming into Ireland, found a bishop dwelling in Dublin, who at that time exercised his episcopal office within the walls. He found in the same diocese another church in the mountains, which likewise had the name of a city, and had a certain Chorepiscopus.” But the legate delivered the Pall to Dublin, “which was the best city,” and doubtless, also, because its bishop was already in connexion with Rome. “And he appointed that that diocese in which both cities were, should be divided; that one part thereof should fall to the metropolis.” “And this he would have immediately carried into execution, had he not been obstructed by the insolence of the Irish, who were then powerful in that part of the country,” and who denied the authority of the Roman legate.

Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 140-141

It is also to be observed that the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the united bishoprics still extends from beyond Arklow, along the sea shore, to the Delvin rivulet, a little south of the Nanny water, and inwards along the Liffey, to the “Salmon Leap,” at Leixlip. The church, “De Saltuû Salmonis,” being its limit in that direction. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 141

The residence which Aulaf had at Clondalkin in A.D. 866, and Sitric's town and lands of Baldoyle, Portrane, and Ratheny, in 1038, were all within it. So was the territory “from Ath Cliath to Ath Truisten [a ford of the river Griece, near the hill of Mullaghmast, in South Kildare]”, which Donnchad, king of Ireland, and Muircheartach spoiled and plundered, A.D. 936, as being “all under the dominion of the foreigners of Ath Cliath”. So, likewise, was Swords, Luske, and all the country of Fingal, which we find in the possession of the Northmen, in A.D. 1035; and in 1135, devastated by the king of Meath, to revenge his brother, “killed by Donnough Mac Gill mo cholmoc, and the Danes of Dublin.” Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 142

Our oldest Anglo-Norman records frequently refer to an extra mural district, east of Dublin, denominated “The Stein,” or “Staine,” a flat piece of ground extending southwards from the strand of the Liffey to “the lands of Rath,” and eastward from near the city walls, to the river Dodder.

It was on this plain the priory of All Hallowes and other religious establishments were founded before the arrival of Strongbow,2 whose followers took possession of all that the Church could not claim. About the year 1200, Theobald Walter, pincerna (or butler) to Henry II., and ancestor of the Butlers of Ormond, exercised ownership by granting to Radulf and Richard Glut “all his land of Stayn, except what the canons of All Saints ought to have.”

Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 144-145

On this elevated ridge, about the year 1220, an hospital is said to have been founded for pilgrims intending to embark for the shrine of St. James of Compostella, the patron saint of lepers, and from which the termination of Townsend-street received the name of Lazar's-hill. Pope Innocent III., when confirming the union of Glendalough with the See of Dublin, enjoined an appropriation of revenues to the support of an hospital, and Archbishop De Loundres, therefore, with the assent of the chapters of the Holy Trinity and St. Patrick's, assigned the lands of Killmohghenoc and other lands, with the church of Delgany, &c., to maintain this hospital “on the sea shore outside Dublin, called Steyn, where pilgrims to St. James' shrine awaited an opportunity to embark,” Theobald Fitz waiter granting two acres of “his land of Stein” as a further endowment. But if this hospital were ever built no remains of it can now be discovered, the Lepers' hospital of Dublin, which was dedicated to St. Stephen, having been built on another part of the Stein, between Stephen's-street and Stephen's-green. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 148-149

Pope Innocent III., when confirming the union of Glendalough with the See of Dublin, enjoined an appropriation of revenues to the support of an hospital, and Archbishop De Loundres, therefore, with the assent of the chapters of the Holy Trinity and St. Patrick's, assigned the lands of Killmohghenoc and other lands, with the church of Delgany, &c., to maintain this hospital “on the sea shore outside Dublin, called Steyn, where pilgrims to St. James' shrine awaited an opportunity to embark,” Theobald Fitz waiter granting two acres of “his land of Stein” as a further endowment. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 148

… but the point of land here referred to may be described as an elevated ridge near the confluence of the Liffey and Dodder, forming what the Scndanavians termed a “Nœs,” or “neck of land between two streams,’ and was the place where the Dublin Northmen usually landed. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 148

In 1682 the mount itself was demised to Sir William [165] Davis; he had been Recorder of the city, and was then Chief Justice of the King's Bench. He had a suburban residence adjoining the mount and a fee-farm grant was made to him with the avowed object of clearing the ground. His petition for this grant states that “the ground on which the mount stands, being very small and the mount itself being very high the cost of levelling it and carrying it away would be a vast charge.” A mass of earth, 40 feet high and 240 feet in circumference, could not be removed without great expense, but the site was valuable and the earth was useful in raising Nassau-street, then called Saint Patrick's Well-lane, the street being elevated 8 to 10 feet above it. Although these documents indisputably fix the position of the mount within the district of Thingmotha, a doubt whether the word Thingmote in 1241 designated a mount, or merely a place of meeting, the want of early records to identify the mount I have described with the ancient Thingmote and the ambiguity of modern descriptions of the vicinity leave room for controversy, which we must endeavour to anticipate. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 165-6

Incomincia a correre questa antichissima sorta di repubbliche sopra un' antichissima legge agraria, che i nobili dovettero accordare a' plebei, per soddisfarli; che essi avessero assegnati campi, dove sostentassero la lor vita, con pagare parte de' frutti, o contribuire in fatighe, come un censo a' signori; che si truova tra' Greci essere stata la decima d'Ercole: e si scuoprono i primi, da' Latini detti capite censi, che dovettero contribuire a questi signori con le loro giornate. Ma, non osservata col volger d'anni tal legge da' nobili a' plebei, si fermarono queste repubbliche finalmente, e stiedero sopra un'altra legge agraria; che i plebei godessero certo e sicuro dominio de' campi assegnati loro, con l'obbligo de' signori a doverlivi mantenere; e col peso a vicenda de' plebei, che a loro spese dovessero servire a' signori ne' lor bisogni, e sopra tutto nelle guerre: siccome sotto essi consoli se ne lamentano pur troppo i plebei nella storia romana. Nel fondo di queste due leggi si ritruovano le origini di tutte e tre le spezie del dominio: una del naturale o bonitario, o sia de' comodi o de' frutti: altra del civile o quiritario, o sia de' poderi, cosi forse agl' Italiani dalla forza, come a' Latini detti praedia, da praeda, o sia dominio de' suoli, che possono occuparsi con l'armi; 1'uno e 1'altro privato; e la terza del dominio de' fondi, detto ora eminente, veramente civile o pubblico, cioè sovrano di esse città, che risiede nell' animo delle potestà civili che le governano; che è 'l principio di tutti i tributi, stipendj, gabelle: e l'una e l'altra legge si truoveranno gli abbozzi delle paci.
This oldest kind of republic began to function on the basis of the oldest agrarian law, which the nobles had to cede to the plebeians in order to satisfy them. This was the law through which the plebeians were assigned fields with which to sustain their lives, paying [in return] a part of their produce or a contribution in labour as a census [tax] to their lords which, among the Greeks, is found to have been the tithe of Hercules. Here also we discover the first men who had to contribute a day's labour to their lords, the capite censi of the Latins. But with the passage of the years, this law ceased to be observed until finally these republics came to an end and were replaced by others based upon a second agrarian law. This was the law whereby the plebeians should enjoy the certain and secure ownership of fields assigned to them, which the lords were obliged to sustain, but be burdened in turn with the requirement to serve the needs of the lords at their own cost, above all in war. Hence the unhappy complaints of the plebeians under the consuls in Roman history. On the basis of these two laws the origins of all three kinds of ownership are discovered. The first was natural or bonitary ownership, i.e. the ownership of commodities or produce. The second was civil or quiritary ownership, or ownership of landed property, i.e. of land that can be held with arms. It is possible that the Italians derived their word [podere] for such land from [their word potere for] force, and that the Latins called it praedia from praeda ‘booty’]. Both of these kinds of ownership were private. The third kind, however, was what is now called ‘eminent’ ownership of the land, i.e. the truly civic or public ownership, sovereign in the cities, that resides in the heart of the civil powers that govern them and is the principle of all tributes, stipends and taxes. In these two laws the first outlines of peace are found.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book II, Ch. XXXIII

Quindi si ritruovano questi antichissimi regni eroici sotto nomi di regni di Cureti, sparsi per tutte le nazioni antiche; e sotto nome di regni di Eraclidi si truovano sparsi per tutta l'antichissima Grecia, mercè di due gran frantumi di antichità d'istoria del tempo oscuro de' Greci. Uno, che i Cureti o sacerdoti armati d'aste, dalle quali son detti i Quiriti da' Latini, che col fragore dell' armi percosse attutarono i vagiti di Giove bambino, perchè non fosse udito da Saturno, che divorarlosi voleva; dal quale nascondimento dissero i Filologi latini, ma indovinando, essere stato appellato il Lazio; uscirono dalla Grecia in Saturnia, o Italia, in Creta, dove perchè isola, duraron più, e nell' Asia: che deesi intendere dell' Asia greca, cioè della Minore: perciocchè i Greci usciti di Grecia osservarono per queste antiche nazioni del mondo regni uniformi a quelli descritti da Omero con due sorte di adunanze eroiche; altre che venivano sotto nome di [boulh]; nelle quali convenivano i soli eroi: altre nelle quali i plebei si radunavano per sapere le determinazioni fatte dagli eroi, le quali erano appellate col nome [agora]: delle quali una è l'adunanza che Telemaco fatto già maggiore chiama affinchè i suoi sudditi sappiano ciò che esso aveva risoluto di fare contro de' Proci. Co' quali governi eroici di Omero troppo acconciamente convengono le storie di queste voci latine, con le quali comitia curiata furon dette le adunanze de' sacerdoti per diffinir cose sacre; perchè dapprima con l'aspetto delle divine erano guardate tutte le cose umane, non che le sole leggi, come qui appresso diremo: centuriata, le adunanze nelle quali si comandavano le leggi, dalle quali certamente restarono detti centuriones, capitani di cent'uomini d'arme: perchè da coloro unicamente che avevano la ragione dell' armi si tenevano le adunanze, nelle quali si comandavano le leggi) che erano sotto il genere di adunanza, che è detta da Omero [boulè]; nella quale si univano i soli eroi: finalmente tributa comitia, le adunanze plebee che non avevano niuna ragion d'usar armi, ma erano obbligate a pagare il tributo; perchè, come adunanze di coloro che pagavano il tributo, non avevano la ragione sovrana dell' armi; ma solo si univano per sapere che loro comandassero le leggi: sicchè delle loro adunanze, che erano le [agorai] di Omero, dovettero da principio con tutta propietà dirsi plebiscita, che tanto suona, quanto Cicerone nelle sue Leggi li voltarebbe, plebi nota. Talchè Curia non già fu da' Latini detta a curanda republica; che non è verisimile de' tempi che gli uomini operavano per senso più tosto, che riflettevano; ma da quiris, asta, che era unione di nobili i quali avevano il diritto d'armeggiar d'asta: siccome altrove mostrammo, che da [cheir] la mano dovette la voce [churia] significare lo stesso agli antichissimi Greci. Dalle quali cose latine composte con le greche di Omero può prendere altri principj l'intricata materia de comitiis romanis, come qui appresso sarà dimostro. Da tutto ciò si ritruova, il diritto de' Quiriti Romani essere diritto delle genti, non solo del Lazio, ma della Grecia e dell' Asia; sopra il quale ebbe i suoi principj il governo romano: il qual diritto si osserva d'assai diversa natura ne' suoi primi tempi da quella che restò a' giureconsulti romani ultimi. L'altro gran rottame di greca antichità egli è che gli Eraclidi, o sien quelli della razza d'Ercole, erano prima sparsi per tutta Grecia, anche per l'Attica, dove poi surse la repubblica libera d'Atene: ma finalmente si ridussero nel Peloponneso, dove perseverà la repubblica di Sparta; che tutti i Politici riconoscono essere stata aristocratica; e tutti i Filologi convengono che sopra tutti gli altri popoli della Grecia ritenne assaissimo de' costumi eroici: la quale fu un regno degli Eraclidi, ovvero di razze erculee, che conservavano il patronimico d'Ercole; al quale si eleggevano due re a vita, che ministravano le leggi sotto la custodia degli Efori.
With the aid of two great fragments from the ancient history of the obscure times of the Greeks, we can now discover the oldest heroic kingdoms, which were spread throughout all the ancient nations under the name ‘the kingdoms of the Curetes’ and throughout the whole of an-cient Greece under the name ‘the kingdoms of the Heraclids’. The first fragment concerns the Curetes, or priests armed with spears, from which the Latins called them quirites. These were the priests who clashed their arms to create a great din so as to conceal the cries of the in-fant Jove from Saturn, who wanted to have him devoured. This is the concealment, [the Latin for which is latere], from which the Latin philologists claimed, though it was but a guess, La-zio [Latium] took its name. The fragment relates that the Curetes came from Greece into Saturnia or Italy, into Crete, where they long remained because they were isolated, and into Asia, which must be understood as Grecian Asia, i.e. Asia Minor. For when the Greeks came out of Greece, they found, throughout these ancient nations of the world, kingdoms of the same form as those described in Homer, complete with two kinds of heroic assemblies, in one of which, the βουλή [boulè], the heroes alone gathered, and in the other of which, the ἀγορἀ [agora], the plebeians assembled in order to learn what the heroes had decided. It was to an assembly of this second kind that Telemachus called his subjects, after he became their leader, in order to let them know what he had resolved to do in the case of the suitors. The histo-ry of Latin words conforms very closely with these heroic governments of Homer: the assembly of priests which denned sacred things was the comitia curiata [‘the assembly of the curi-ae’], Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book II, Ch. XXXIV

170: These facts and circumstances we think may be safely relied on as proof of the identity of the mount here described with the Scandinavian Thingmote. And we have now to add that about 200 perches eastward of the mount was the Hangr Hoeg or Gallows hill of Dublin, the usual accompaniment to the Thingmount. Here on a rocky hill, surrounded by a piece of barren ground, the gallows was erected and here criminals were executed until the beginning of the last century, when the gallows was removed farther south to permit the rock to be quarried for building purposes, the city then rapidly extending in this direction. The “Gallows hill” is marked on the maps of Dublin until after 1756,1 and the quarry is yet to be traced between Bock-lane and Mount-street, both places being very probably named from this rocky gallows mount.
1 In the Survey of the City and Suburbs of Dublin by Jean Rocque, Folio, London, 1756, the road leading from Stephen's-green to Ball's-bridge (now known as Lower Bagot-street) is styled “Gallows Road”. On the north side of this Gallows-road near Lower Pembroke-street is shown a Quarry and over it a Windmill; opposite on the south side of the road is the Gallows. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 170

Hence we frequently find the pillar stones or bowing stones [of pagan worshippers] either marked with a cross, or overthrown and stone crosses raised where they stood, and the sacred wells of Baldur, the son of Odin, with the sacred wells of other heathen deities, becoming the holy wells of St. John or St. Patrick. With similar views the great Saxon and Scandinavian festivals were exchanged for Christian festivals occurring at the same period of the year, the slaughter of oxen to idols, and the feasts which followed, being exchanged for innocent banquets and revelry. Nevertheless the pagan practices which Gregory endeavoured to turn to Christian purposes were not wholly eradicated. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 172

[Hence, from converting existing pagan temples to Christian use] is said to have originated the Gallic term, used in the Orkneys, of going to the “Clachan” (or stones), for going to the church. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 175

For it has not escaped observation that when the Northmen in Ireland dedicated a church to a female saint, they never dedicated to the Irish St. Briget or to any Irish virgin, but always to the Virgin Mary. Whereas the Irish clergy who were not so intimately connected with Rome, if they called any church except by the name of the founder (and they called many after St. Bridget) never dedicated a church to the Virgin Mary until after Northmen set the example2; indeed, St. Bridget is styled “The Mary of the Gaeidhil” or Irish, in one of the oldest manuscripts of her life, nor has the research of any Irish scholar, so far as I can ascertain, as yet discovered a single church dedicated to the Virgin Mary in Ireland until the middle of the tenth century, when the Northmen converted to Christianity, began to dedicate churches to her within their own territories, the earliest being that of St. Mary's Ostmanby, better known as St. Mary's Abbey Dublin, alleged to have been founded about the year 948. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 176-177

As regards the Anglo-Saxon missionaries who converted the Northmen, they were not likely to dedicate a church to an Irish Saint, their connection being with Canterbury and Rome, but not with Armagh and the Irish Church. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 177

As regards the Anglo-Saxon missionaries who converted the Northmen, they were not likely to dedicate a church to an Irish Saint, their connection being with Canterbury and Rome, but not with Armagh and the Irish Church. For it is to be recollected that the Northmen did not acknowledge the authority of the Irish Church until the Irish archbishops received the palls from Rome through Cardinal Paparo, in 1152; Laurence O'Toole in 1163 being the first Bishop of Dublin (under the Ostmen) who was consecrated by the Archbishop of Armagh, all previous bishops of the Ostmen being consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 177

[The] plain of Runymede, famous in connection with Staines, was like the Stein of Dublin, the title of a Scandinavian Althing, probably so made by Aulaf and Swein, and so remaining while Canute and other Danish sovereigns governed England. Mathew of Westminster tells us it was called “Runymede, that is, the Meadow of Counsel”, because of old times councils about the peace of the kingdom were frequently held there … Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 181

In the confusion of races that followed the irruption of the northern barbarians, and introduced the feudal system, the laws administered [e.g., those of King Henry II] were not territorial as in more modern times, but personal, each race in actions between one another, being ruled by its own code … And in Ireland the English did not admit the Danes or the Irish to use English law unless they paid largely for the privilege. Between themselves the latter were ruled … by Danes' law or Brehon law, which last was abolished in the 12th year of King James I. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 185.n1

It is manifest that Henry himself had no idea that he had been elected king of Ireland by the chiefs assembled at the Thingmote or that they had yielded to him dominion over the country. The most diligent research has not discovered a single charter, granted by him in Ireland or in England (not even in that by which he granted to his men of Bristol his new gotten city of Dublin), nor a single instance in any other record in which he has styled himself “King” or even “Lord of Ireland” although he rarely if ever omitted his minor titles of Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine and Count of Anjou. While he remained in Ireland he exercised no legal prerogative except over that territory the royalty of which Strongbow had surrendered to him, and over that from which the Ostmen enemies of Dermot M'Morrough had been driven, and where it was indifferent to the Irish, whether the Ostmen or the Anglo-Normans were the rulers. The only laws he made were for his English subjects1 and for the Ostmen towns, and these he promulgated at the Thingmote, and possibly after the manner of the Scandinavians. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 185-6

In the confusion of races that followed the irruption of the northern barbarians, and introduced the feudal system, the laws administered [e.g., those of King Henry II] were not territorial as in more modern times, but personal, each race in actions between one another, being ruled by its own code … And in Ireland the English did not admit the Danes or the Irish to use English law unless they paid largely for the privilege. Between themselves the latter were ruled … by Danes' law or Brehon law, which last was abolished in the 12th year of King James I. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 185.n1

[The] Ostmen had mints in Dublin, Waterford, and Limerick. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 186

The claim to dominion over Ireland on which Henry relied was evidently Pope Adrian's bull, and even had the title of Lord of Ireland which it granted been then admitted Henry was not ignorant of the limited authority which it conferred, for in his own person he had but recently done homage to the King of France, acknowledging the King as his feudal Lord for Normandy, Aquitain, and Anjou; and subsequently received the homage of William, king of Scotland, who acknowledged Henry to be his Lord.
190: This distinction between the lordship and the kingdom of Ireland was acted on at Rome at a subsequent period … Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 187

190: The importance of such a bull was well known to the Privy Council of England, for it is stated by the eminent Roman Catholic historian, Dr. Lingard, that “as the natives of Ireland had maintained that the kings of England originally held Ireland by the donation of Adrian IV. and lost it by their defection at the Reformation, the Council delivered the bull to Dr. Cary, the new (Roman Catholic) Archbishop of Dublin, to be deposited in the treasury, after copies had been made and circulated throughout the island.” Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 190

A manuscript in the British Museum states that “the nuns were not of the younger sort but of elderlike persons, and for those who desired to live single lives after the death or separation from their husbands,” and the manuscript adds, “that Alice O'Toole, near to the Archbishop of Dublin, in one night's time left her husband and conveyed all his wealth into this abbey, and it was not known for seven years' time where she went or how she conveyed away his wealth” till Laurence O'Toole's death, when she appeared at the funeral, and so was discovered. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 192-3

The Alice O'Toole here mentioned was the sister of the archbishop [Laurence], married to the profligate Dermot M'Murrogh, the founder of the nunnery, who abandoned her and married the daughter of O'Carroll. And the statement respecting the class of females inhabiting the nunnery is supported by the fact that ground on which the nunnery stood was called “Mynechens mantle” and its possessions, Mynechens fields1 thereby making it as the residence not of young nuns but of those elderly nuns of the superior class termed “mynechens” by Du Cange. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 193

[The] ground on which the nunnery stood [see above] was called “Mynechens mantle” … thereby marking it as the residence not of young nuns but of those eldery nuns of the superior class termed “mynechens”. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 193

“Joseph Leeson in 1735 demises … part of his garden … which said premises are part of Minchin's Mantle, near Stephen's-green …” Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 193.n1

And, secondly we find that the old churches in the eastern suburbs of Dublin were almost invariably distinguished by local names, and those names Scandinavian. St. Andrews was called Thengmotha, from proximity to the Thingmote, St. Peters del Hulle, or “of the Hill”, from its situation on the rising ground above Ship-street, St. Michaels del Pol from “the pool” or puddle adjoining, and St. Mary's “del Dam” from the dam or mill-pond close to where it stood. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 193

[The] Scandinavians distinguished three ages by the mode in which the dead were treated. The first was the Roisold or age of Burning. The second was the Hoighold or age of tumuli, in which the body of the chieftain with his arms and ornaments was placed under a mound. And the third was the age of interment or Christian burial. Hence the name of Hogges so frequent in all the settlements of the pagan North- men. Their descendants, the Anglo-Normans, in whose records we first find the name of St. Mary del Hogges, were not ignorant of its meaning. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 195

[On the etymology of the name ‘Hogan's Green’] Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) p.196n2

It is generally known that until 1791, when the new Custom House was opened on the north side of the river, there was a custom house and quay at the south-east side of Essex-bridge, where vessels trading to our port discharged their cargoes; and previously to 1620 vessels unloaded at Merchants'-quay and Wood-quay, the custom house or crane being then opposite to the end of Winetavern-street. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 202-203

[Many] Irish enemies and English rebels coming by the ford at the pier of St. Mary's Abbey … enter Fingal by night and rob and destroy the liege people of the King, and for remedy enacts that a wall 20 perches long and 6 feet high and also a tower shall be built at Saint Mary's Abbey to stop the ford there … and that 140 marks shall be levied on lands in the vicinity to defray the expense of this and similar works Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 205

Dubhlin, for so this city was called in those days, lay on the South side of the Liffey and seemingly at some distance [south] from the river and would seem was so called from ‘Dubh’, black, and ‘lin’, a port, because built down Patrick-street and Kevin's-port, and the Poddle, which last probably got its name from its low, dirty situation, quasi Puddle. The north side was called Atha Cliath or the Ford of Hurdles, communicating with Dubhlin by that means, and from its contiguity to the water was more convenient for traffic. ‘General History of Ireland,’ by Silvester O'Halloran, 2 vols., 4to, London, 1778. ‘Introduction,’ p. 120. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 207n3

O'Halloran is singular in the opinion that it was the north side of the river which was called “Ath Cliath,” and that it communicated with Dublin, which was on the south side, by a ford of hurdles,3 and Vallancey asserts that the name was “Bally Lean Cliath” from being built in or near a fishing harbour where certain weirs made of hurdles were used. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 207

At the close of the last year, in making a large sewer through High-street, Castle-street, Winetavern and Fishamble-street, the ground was opened to the depth of 8 to 14 feet, and a section was thereby exposed of the elevated ridge and one side of the hill on which the old city stood. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 208

Harris, in his “History and Antiquities of Dublin,” says, the site on which the city [Dublin] was founded was called “Drom Choll Coill” (the Brow of the Hazelwood) and a considerable quantity of hazel nuts having been found intermingled with the stratum of leaves and portions of trees already mentioned, I had ten specimens of trees which had been dug up in different parts of Castle-street excavation, submitted for the inspection of Professor Allman. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 209-210

On the north side of the river is Pale-lane (Viculus Pali), commonly called ‘Pill-lane’, being a corruption of the word Pale, meaning enclosure. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 211.n2

Another instance may be found in the alleged origin of the name Pill-lane, which is stated by De Burgho (in his “Hibernia Dominicana”) to be from some fancied connexion with the English Pale, instead of being from a way leading to the “Pill” or little harbour of St. Mary's Abbey, where the Bradogue river entered the Liffey. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 211-2

Vestiges of such rude structures [passages formed by hurdles and stems of trees laid on piles of stone placed at intervals in a stream] yet exist and … are denominated “tochars”, or causeways, in contra-distinction to the more regular structure which is termed “droichet” or bridge. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 214

A.D. 1129: The castle of Athluain and the bridge were erected … in the summer of this year “in the summer of the drought” … A.D. 1133: The wicker bridge of Athluain and its castle were destroyed by Murchadh Ua Maelseachlainn and Tighearnan Ua Ruaire. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 214

[The] chartulary of St. Thomas's Abbey, known as Coppinger's Register [shows] that the bridge existed in 1177 … [We] have no evidence that in 1215 the citizens [of Dublin] destroyed “the bridge formerly made”, or that they built another bridge at that period … Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 217

Ma niuna cosa più della legge delle XII Tavole con grave argomento ci appruova, che, se avessimo la storia delle antiche leggi de' popoli, avremmo la storia de' fatti antichi delle nazioni: perchè dalla natura degli uomini uscendo i loro costumi; da' costumi i governi; da' governi le leggi; dalle leggi gli abiti civili; dagli abiti civili i fatti costanti pubblici delle nazioni: e con una certa arte critica, come quella de' giureconsulti, alla certezza delle leggi riducendosi i fatti d'incerta, o dubbia ragione: i veri elementi della storia sembrano essere questi principj di morale, politica, diritto e giurisprudenza del genere umano, ritruovati per questa nuova scienza dell'umanità; sopra i quali si guida la storia universale delle nazioni, che ne narra i loro sorgimenti, progressi, stati, decadenze e fini. Ma per determinare e i certi tempi e i certi luoghi donde esse incominciarono, non ci soccorrono i due occhi, come sin ora sono stati usati, della Storia, che sono la Cronologia e la Geografia.
[Above all, however, the Law of the Twelve Tables provides us with a weighty proof that, were we to possess the history of the ancient laws of the peoples, we would possess the history of their ancient activities. For the customs of men come from their natures, their governments from their customs, their laws from their governments, their civil habits from their laws, and their constant public activities from their civil habits. [Hence, we must employ] a certain critical art, such as that by which jurisconsults, when presented with activities of uncertain or doubtful justice, reduce them to the certainty of laws. The true elements of history would thus seem to be the principles of the morality, politics, law and jurisprudence of mankind, discovered by this new science of humanity, on the basis of which the universal history of the nations proceeds, with the origins, progress, state [of perfection], decline and end narrated here. But we now find that in order to determine the certain times and certain places in which the nations originated, the two eyes of history, i.e. chronology and geography, as they have hitherto been used, are of no assistance at all.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book II, Ch. LVI

Nuovi Principj Storici dell'Astronomia. Perchè i Greci certamente innalzarono i loro Dei alle stelle erranti, e gli eroi alle fisse; e ciò essi fecero dappoichè eran passati in Grecia i Dei d'Oriente, i quali da' Caldei erano stati affissi alle stelle, come il concedono tutti i Filologi. Ma ciò avvenne dopo i tempi d'Omero, al cui tempo i Dei di Grecia non istavan più in suso del monte Olimpo. [New historical principles of astronomy: For, as the philologists all acknowledge, it is certain that the Greeks raised their gods to the planets and their heroes to the constellations, after the gods of the East, whom the Chaldeans had affixed to the stars, had passed into Greece. But this occurred after Homer, for in his times the gods of Greece lived no higher than Mount Olympus.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book II, Ch. LVII

[…] onde si fondò il primo regno d'Assiria nella gente caldea; e ne restò Caldeo per Erudito, come ne' tempi barbari a noi vicini in Italia, Padovano per Letterato
[Hence the first kingdom of Assyria was founded by the Chaldean race, from which the word ‘Chaldean’ survived as a synonym for ‘erudite’, just as in the barbaric times close to us, the word ‘Paduan’ survived for ‘learned’.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book II, Ch. LVII

[‘Dr. Sigerson’ by Irish American] Before I met him I had been told “the Doctor is a poet. He wears long hair,” and that information did not predispose me towards admiration. But after meeting him I was convinced that he (or his mother) was well advised to leave the hair as nature had left it. Such things depend on the mother. Very likely she thought it a sin against nature to deprive her boy of those long, beautiful auburn locks; and he came to the same conclusion himself as he grew into manhood The Leader (18 April 1925) 257/1

[‘Dr. Sigerson’ by Irish American] … Father Abraham Ryan, the poet of the Confederacy, wore his hair as nature had given it, and I have a photograph of the late Archbishop Ryan of Philadelphia, taken when he was a young priest, in which his hair shows quite as long as Dr. Sigerson's. The Leader (18 April 1925) 257/1

[‘Dr. Sigerson’ by Irish American] He distinguished always the Norse from the Danes, and said “The Danes never came to Ireland.” … For him, too, the Norse in Ireland were just as Irish as the so-called Milesians. They had been there before the times of St. Patrick, and remained after Clontarf. Personally I would not be surprised if it were proved that there is more Norse blood in Ireland than there is Milesian. The Leader (18 April 1925) 257/2

[‘Dr. Sigerson’ by Irish American] He was worthy to be the father of Dora Sigerson and of Mrs Piatt, the only one of his children left to mourn her own and Ireland's loss. The Leader (18 April 1925) 260/1

[‘O'Connell and Some Others’]: “Imaal's” excerpts from the Times of a century ago on the subject of O'Connell […] were of interest […] Colums of Saunder's Newsletter and Daily Advertiser (Dublin) of Monday, September 9th, 1844, recently provided me with an amount of entertainment, for in that issue I read a “graphic” account of O'Connell's procession on his release from gaol […] The Leader (18 April 1925) 253/2

[‘O'Connell and Some Others’]: […] Colums of Saunder's Newsletter and Daily Advertiser (Dublin) of Monday, September 9th, 1844, recently provided me with an amount of entertainment, for in that issue I read a “graphic” account of O'Connell's procession on his release from gaol […] and how O'Connell's speech—a flaring piece of mob oratory—was interrupted by music from one of the bands that had failed to catch his voice The Leader (18 April 1925) 253/2

[‘O'Connell and Some Others’: quoting O'Connell in Saunder's Newsletter, 1844, on his opposition to bloodshed] Remember I am the first person who has produced a great political revolution without a single drop of blood or an act of violence. The Leader (18 April 1925) 254/1

[‘O'Connell and Some Others’] From the Newletter also, September 10th, 1844, I take the following … from O'Connell's speech at Conciliation Hall The Leader (18 April 1925) 254/1

[‘O'Connell and Some Others’] “Imaal” says: “O'Connell and Some Others.” So do I, but my “some others” are not “Imaal's” Sheil, and Henry Hunt and Gale Jones. The Leader (18 April 1925) 254/2

[‘Economic Independence’] Rather all of a sudden the Shannon Scheme has become a vivid reality. The Leader (18 April 1925) 252/1

In our published histories it is invariably stated that the first bridge at Dublin was built by King John; and his charter of the 3rd July 1215 is considered to afford proof of the fact. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 215

The inference deduced being, that as there was no similar grant in any preceding charter, there had not been previously any bridge at Dublin; and, as William of Worcester states, that in the same year [1215] King John built the first bridge at Bristol (having shortly before sent to France for Isenbert, the Architect, to complete the first stone1 bridge at London), his desire for bridge-building had led to the building of the bridge at Dublin, the Chief City of his lordship of Ireland, and the seat of his Bristol colony. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 215-6

• FW 545.14
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• MS BL 47484b-445
• JJA 59:185 Usage
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There is in the Tower another charter of King John confirming a grant to Hugo Hosee of land “at the stone gate near the bridge,” a document which through the kindness of Thomas Duffus Hardy, esq., Keeper of the Tower Records, I had also an opportunity to examine, leaving no doubt respecting the date, which is the 4th June, 1200; and further, if it were necessary to add to such instances, we might refer to the transcript of Urban the Third's bull in Alan's Register (in the Archiepiscopal Library, Dublin) to show that the bridge existed in 1186, or to the chartulary of St. Thomas's Abbey, known as Coppinger's Register [shows] that the bridge existed in 1177 … Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 217

[The] chartulary of St. Thomas's Abbey, known as Coppinger's Register [shows] that the bridge existed in 1177 … [We] have no evidence that in 1215 the citizens destroyed “the bridge formerly made”, or that they built another bridge at that period … Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 217

Thomas La Martre gave to the Abbey of ST. Thomas (Thomas-court, Dublin), a plot of ground at Dublin Bridge, situate between the ground which he had given to his wife, Margaret, and that which he had granted to the Hospital of Kilmainham. Witnessed by Godfrey of Winchester in the latter end of K. Hen. II. Coppinger's Register of St. Thomas's Abbey, p. 88. Haliday MSS., Monasticon Hibernicum, by Mervyn Archdall, p.182, 4to, Dublin, 1786. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 217.n3

“Know ye that we, the Mayor and Commonalty of Dublin, have given by this our charter to William Nottingham, our fellow citizen, a certain stone tower near the Ostmen's Bridge, and joined to the tower beyond the Ostmen's gate, &c. Dated Sunday next after the Feast of St. Bartholomew, 12th Edward I. (A.D. 1285).” White Book of Dublin, p. 54. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 218.n2

As yet the assumption that any bridge was built at Dublin during King John's reign rests solely on the fact that permission was then given to destroy one bridge and to build another, whilst we have records to prove that both before and considerably after that period there was a bridge at Dublin called “the Bridge of the Ostmen.” In a grant to Ralph la Hore in 1236, the land is described “in capite pontis Ostmannorum.” The name is repeated in a grant to William de Nottingham so late as 1284, which describes a stone tower as being “juxta pontem Ostmannorum,” and as these records also refer to “the gate of the Ostmen,” to “the old quarry of the Ostmen” (“a veteri quadrivio Ostmanorum”), &c., there are grounds for supposing that the works so denominated had been executed by the Ostmen, and were not works thus called from proximity to the suburb of Ostmantown.
218.n3: “Know all men that we, the citizens of Dublin, have by this our charter granted and confirmed to Ralph Hore and William Russell, our fellow citizens, a meadow of ours extending in length from the Old Quarry of the Ostmen to Kylmehanok”. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 217

Dubhgall's bridge and the battle of Clontarf. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 219 margin

[One] of the Danish chieftains killed at the battle of Clontarf [was] “Dubhghall son of Amahlaeibh”, the brother of Sitric, Danish King of Dublin in 1014. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 219

Beyond this period [150 years prior to the Anglo-Norman invasion] we cannot produce distinct evidence of “a droichet” or bridge at Dublin. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 220

We know that these Northmen, who had only established their sovereignty on the sea-coasts of Ireland, had subjugated all England, and held frequent intercourse with it. Godfred II., who was King of Dublin in 922, was also King of Northumberland; and the “Saxon Chronicle” states that Anlaf (the Danish King of Dublin), after his defeat at Brunanburg, by Athelstan in 937, fled with his Northmen in “their nailed barks over the deep waters, Dublin to seek”. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 220

Yet if we cannot find the term “bridge” applied to any structure at Dublin prior to the year 1014 [we know that] a roadway had been formed across the river before that period. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 221

[In] 999 King Malachy made a tochar[= causeway] at Ath Cliath (Dublin) until it reached “one half of the river”. [Where a river divided the territories of Irish kings, each claimed one half of it and only built to the middle of the stream.] Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 221

(St. Mary's, on the north bank of the Liffey, [is] alleged to have been built in 948, and the arches under Christ Church [were] built on the south bank at as early a date.) Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 222

As for the word Bater, that in English [purpozeth a lane bearing to an highway. I take it for a meere Irish word that crept unawares into the English through the daily intercourse of the English and Irish inhabitants.” (Stanyhurst, quoted in same.) Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 222.n1

[The word ‘bater’] forms part of the following names:- Batterstown … Green Batter, and another Yellow Batter, which are called in Irish, Botherglas and Boherboy … We also have … Stonybatter … the great thoroughfare to Dublin from the districts lying west and north-west of the city … known by the name of Bothar-na-ngcloch, i.e., the road of the stones. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 222.n1

In the year 1428, the Friars Preachers … had a school in an old suburb of Dublin, now called Usher's Island, with a large recourse of scholars of philosophy and theology. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 222.n2

As the professors and students from Ostmantown could not conveniently come and go because of the river Liffey, a bridge of four arches, still standing, was built at the cost of the Friars' Preachers, being the first of the six bridges of Dublin, called everywhere to this day, the Old Bridge. To repay the cost, a lay Dominican, by leave of the City Council, took a toll, and I myself, when a boy, have seen the holy water vessel (as tradition had it) for sprinkling the passengers. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 222.n2

We have records of bridges over small rivers in Ireland, in 924, and are told that a king of Ulster was celebrated for bridge-building in 739; but we cannot refer to any incident connected with the existence of a bridge or tochar at Dublin, between the commencement of the fifth century and the close of the tenth. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 223

[In] the first century, Ireland was intersected by five great roads, leading from different provinces, or petty Kingdoms, to the seat of supreme royalty at Tara. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 225

Of these “slighes”, or roads, the “Slighe Cualaun” was one traced with the greatest apparent certainty by the Ordnance Survey. It struck off from the Fan-na-g-carbad, or “Slope of the chariots”, and led via Ratoath and Dublin into Cualaun, a district extending from Dalkey, southwards and westwards, and part of which, including Powerscourt, is designated … as Fercullen, or “the territory of the men of Cualaun”. This road, consequently, must have crossed the Liffey, and that it did so near Dublin is confirmed by the fact that the passage across the river there is frequently termed “Ath Cliath Cualaun”. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 225

Slighe-Cualaun passed through Dublin … and on towards Bray, under the name Bealach Duibhlinne. Duibhlinn was originally the name of that part of the Liffey on which the city now stands (the road or pass of the [river] Duibhlinn) … Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 225.n3

Of these “slighes”, or roads, the “Slighe Cualaun” was one traced with the greatest apparent certainty by the Ordnance Survey. It struck off from the Fan-na-g-carbad, or “Slope of the chariots”, and led via Ratoath and Dublin into Cualaun, a district extending from Dalkey, southwards and westwards, and part of which, including Powerscourt, is designated … as Fercullen, or “the territory of the men of Cualaun”. This road, consequently, must have crossed the Liffey, and that it did so near Dublin is confirmed by the fact, that the passage across the river there is frequently termed “Ath Cliath Cualaun”. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 225

Slighe-Cualaun passed through Dublin … and on towards Bray, under the name Bealach Duibhlinne. Duibhlinn was originally the name of that part of the Liffey on which the city now stands (the road or pass of the [river] Duibhlinn) … Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 225.n3

Stonybatter … would, if continued, meet the Liffey exactly at Whitworth bridge Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 226.n1

Ath Cliath Meadrighe, now Clarensbridge in the county of Galway. “When the Seven Maines carried off the cattle of Dartaidha, &c., they were overtaken by Eochaid Beag, &c., whereupon the Maines placed a barricade of hurdles of whitethorn and black in the ford until relief should come to them from Aitill and Meane.” Information of Eugene O'Curry. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 227.n1

“Thus disclosing a remarkable coincidence in the mode of defensive warfare practised by the ancient inhabitants of Ireland and of Britain, Cæsar informing us that the Britons, in a similar manner, had endeavoured to prevent his Army from crossing the Thames, by driving stakes in the river and on its banks and thereby obstructing the ford. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) ?226-7

The map [of Dublin, 1673] … seems to have been formed by Sir Bernard de Gomme to exhibit the position of the citadel projected by him for the protection of the city and river. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 228

The citadel at Dublin was designed to be a pentagon … with ramparts, ravelins, curtain, and bastions, the walls being intended of brick faced with stone, and built on a frame of timber, and piles. It was to contain barracks for 700 men and officers, with a governor's house, and store houses for munitions of war, a chapel, a prison, a clock-tower, and gateway and drawbridges similar to those at Tilbury fort and Portsmouth, the estimated cost being, £131,227 5s. 9d.; the estimate for constructing a fort at Rincurran, to defend Kinsale, being £10,350. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 230

The site chosen for the Dublin citadel was near the space now occupied by Merrion-square and it would be difficult to understand the grounds assigned for this choice, viz., its being capable of being relieved by sea without realizing to the mind the fact, that at that day the sea flowed almost to the foot of Merrion-square. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 230

“26th January 1792: A part of the South-wall suddenly gave way and a dreadful torrent broke into the lower grounds inundating every quarter on the same level as far as Artichoke-road. The communication to Ringsend and Irishtown is entirely cut off and the inhabitants are obliged to go to and fro in boats.” Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 231.n1

… for arms [held in the Citadel] the sea air will be very prejudicial Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 231

[The Pigeon House, first as an hotel, and then as a fort or magazine was preceded by a block house for storing wreck. The Dublin newspapers of 1766 mention that a vessel being wrecked, a number of ‘rockers’, who always came down for plunder, were by this means disappointed. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 231.n3

It got perhaps the name of Pigeonhouse from John Pigeon employed there. “8th June, 1786, order that John Mullarky and John Pigeon do attend on Saturday next” … Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 231.n3

[The committee do] allot one portion [of blockhouse] to Mr Francis Tunstall, the inspector of the works of the Ballast Board, and other part of, O'Brien and his wife during pleasure as housekeeper … Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 231.n3

Smithfield … long formerly known under the corrupted name of Oxmantown-green. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 233

Upon the South side of the river, Ringsend was the chief landing place at the period of Sir Bernard de Gomme's design. The river not being yet quayed and deepened, as it has since been, flowed at low water in streams, winding in devious courses through a labyrinth of sands, as may be seen on Sir Bernard's map. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 233

Of dangerous brooks there are two hard by Dublin, both running into the haven … the one at the north side a little below Drumconran [the Tolka] … the other at the south side close by the Ringsend. This called Rafernam water from the village by which it passeth [the Dodder] … Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 233.n1

[The Dodder] groweth so deep and violent [after any great rain] that many persons have lost their lives therein; amongst others Mr. John Usher [in 1629], father to Sir William Usher that now is. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 233.n1

[Title] Of the Brooks of Drumconran and Rafernam by Dublin. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 233.n1

[The] only way to Ringsend on those days when the tide was in was to cross the ford of the Dodder where Ball's Bridge now stands (for the sea then flowed to the foot of Holles-street). And at this ford, without a doubt, Alderman Usher was drowned. The Dodder, it may be observed here, divides the lands of Baggotrath on the Dublin side, from Simon's-court on the other. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 233.n1

[Citation from] Assembly Rolls. Midsummer 1640. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 233.n1

… Symons-court alias Smoothescourt … Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 233.n1

“[Quitting Ringsend, 1698] I took my leave of Trench, Welstead and three or more friends and now looked towards Dublin; but how to come at it we no more knew how than the fox at the grapes; for, though we saw a large strand yet t'was not to be walked over because of a pretty rapid stream which must be crossed. We inquired for a coach and found that no such thing was to be had there but were informed we could have a [two-wheeled] Ringsend car […] the fare to Lazy Hill is four pence […]” [from “Some account of my conversations in Ireland”, p.419, The Dublin Scuffle, by John Dunton]. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 234.n1

The long line of South Wall, nearly three miles and a quarter in length, from Ringsend to Poolbeg, carried over the South Bull,1 through the water towards the bar, and terminated by the Poolbeg lighthouse, marking the entrance of the river, was not then thought of, the sea not banked out from the south side of the city by Sir John Rogerson's-quay, spread itself over ground now laid out in streets, so that Ringsend true to its name Rin or Reen meaning a spit or point presents itself in Sir Bernard de Gomme's map as a long and narrow tongue or spit of land running out into the sea, the water on its western side spreading over all the low ground between Irishtown and the slightly rising ground on which stand the barracks at Beggar's Bush, and under Sir Patrick Dunne's hospital, along the line of Denzille-street and Great Brunswick-street, to Townsend-street, called Lazey, otherwise Lazar's Hill, and flowing even to that front of the Parliament House called the Lord's entrance, facing College-street, as may be seen on the ground plan of Chichester House (the site of which the Parliament House occupies), where ground under this face is described as “the Old Shore.” Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 233-4, 238

The following particulars concerning the forming a new channel for the river Liffey, from near the site of the present Carlisle bridge to the Poolbeg Light House, a distance of nearly four miles are derived from Mr. Haliday's collections. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 234.n2

16th January, 1707-8: Three Aldermen and Six of the Commons appointed by the Corporation to be a Quorum [Commitee of Directors of the Ballast Office] to give directions to the Ballast Master. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 234.n2

234 That two iron Tormentors be made, and that the first fair day it be tried what depth of sand or gravel there is in places (to be pointed out) in the Channel. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 234.n2

Committee went to Cock [Cockle] lake and found that the water which was there when the tide is out may be prevented that course. The manner how not decided. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 234.n2

River tried from Mr. Vanhomrigh's house to Ringsend point; found 5 feet depth of sand and gravel. Thence to Clontarf bar, 4 feet deep; No rocks (Ib) Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 234.n2

Mr. Morney, and two or three others best experienced in the channel from Vanhomrigh's house to the bar, to give their opinions in writing. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 235n, misnumbered 233

Mr. Holt brought the opinions (as ordered), that the channel should run from Mr Mercer's (formerly Vanhomrigh's) house directly with Green Patch, a little without Ringsend point. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 235n, misnumbered 233

21st July, 1710: Report of Committee of Ballast Office: Had conferred with persons interested in the ground on the north side of the Channel relative to piling there, who would not contribute to the expense. Directions for dredging the channel and to make a bank on the north side. (City Assembly Rolls). Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 235n, misnumbered 233

20th October, 1710: The Committee appointed to stake out the mears and bounds [of the Channel] between Ringsend and Lazy Hill have not done so: The old channel will soon be filled up. The mears and bounds to be staked out, (City Assembly Rolls). Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 235n, misnumbered 233

13th April, 1711: Instructions given for bringing great quantities of stone and faggots which will make good that part of the banks not already secured on both sides of the channel, and fill up the mouth of the old, and will keep the freshets within the bounds of the new channel, and will make the new channel deeper (Ib.) Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 235n, misnumbered 233

2nd May, 1712: It is necessary to enclose the Channel to carry it directly to Salmon Pool. Had consulted many who are of opinion that the best way will be by laying kishes filled with stones and backing them with sand and gravel, which is found by the experience of some years past to withstand the force of the flods that come down the river (Ib.) Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 235n, misnumbered 233

Petition that the strand between that taken in by Mercer and that granted to Sir John Rogerson be taken in, being now overflowed: that a wall be built to the east: Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 233.n1

20th January, 1715-16: Have not been able to go on with piling below Ringsend for want of oak timber; propose to take the kishes up to Morney's dock (Ib.) Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 235n, misnumbered 233

25th April, 1718: Have filled up the breaches made in the South Bull by last winter's storm with furze and stones (Ib.) Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 236n

20th July, 1720: The sea scarcely leaves the East End of the piles which makes the work slow: Are wattling between the piles which they hope will in time raise a bank (Ib.) Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 236n

21st April, 1721: Instead of piling by the Engine which i s found impractical so far at sea, have used frames made of piles about twenty-two feet in length and ten feet in breadth twenty-four piles in each frame. These are floated out from Blackrock accompanied by two gabbards filled with stones quarried there, and the frames are then filled with stones and sunk, (Ib.) Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 236n

17th January, 1728-9: One frame of piles for piling the channel of the Liffey went adrift. Some of the piles which composed it are in possession of Lord Howth, and some of Mr. Vernon who refuse to deliver them: Mr. Recorder to advise, (Ib.) Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 236-7n

8th July, 1729: The work having been left incomplete a deep gut has been formed … at the east end of the frames which has carried a spit a great way into the Channel and is dangerous for shipping; and will be worse if the carrying on of the frames be longer delayed: Suggest an Act of Parliament giving power to borrow, (Ib.) Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 237n

In October, 1735, a Floating Light was placed at the east end of the Piles. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 238n

[page 238] “10th January, 1789: The work is in such forwardness that it will be completed in about eighteen months.” (Ibid.) Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 238n

“17th May, 1766: The two murderers who were hung in gibbetts at a little distance from the new wall were put up in so scandalous a manner that they fell down on Tuesday, and now lie on the piles, a most shocking spectacle. Pue's Occurrences, vol., lxiii., No. 6488, W. M. G.]” Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 238n

“17th May, 1766: The two murderers who were hung in gibbetts at a little distance from the new wall were put up in so scandalous a manner that they fell down on Tuesday, and now lie on the piles, a most shocking spectacle. Pue's Occurrences, vol., lxiii., No. 6488, W. M. G.]” Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 238n

City Records. [23rd August 1741]. Died at his house in Mary-street of a fever the Right Hon. John Rogerson, Esq., Chief Justice of the King's Bench. he came to the Bar in 1702. Was made Recorder of Dublin, 3rd November, 1714. Same year became Solicitor-General; and Attorney-General May, 1720, and Lord Chief Justice May, 1727. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 238.n1

[Attached to the ground plan of Chichester House is the following return] … May it please your honours, in obedience to your honours' order to us directed dated 28th of May last, whereby we were required joyntly to survay all and singular the out-grounds and gardens belong to a certain house demised to Sir William Robinson, Knt., by His late Majesty King Charles the Second excepting such parts of the premises thereby demised as hath been purchased by His Majesty in pursuance of the before recited Act. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 239.n2

[…] and what was offered by Mr. Hutchinson on behalf of himself and of Richard Gering, Esq., did proceed to survey the same […] Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 239.n2

We have made a true survey … nothing now remains to be purchased by His Majesty in pursuance if rhe said Act, except the following parcels [of land], viz., No. 1, No. 2 and No.3, whose boundaries and dimensions are described in the said Map and table of reference thereto belonging. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 239.n2

[Signed] Your Honours Most dutyfully and Most Obedient Servants. Thomas Cave. Gabriel Stokes. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 240.n

It [the problem] was only overcome by James Gandon the architect, employing Corinthian Columns which are taller than the Ionic Order used in the main building, and even then the portico was ascended by steps. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 240.n

In 1784, when making the present portico [entrance] in Westmoreland-street for a separate entrance to the House of Peers it was found tht the buildings on the east side of the Parliament House stood on ground with declivities so sudden and so great as to make it difficult to bring the line of cornices, windows and and rustivc basement of the new portico into harmony with the lines of the original building; for here on the east the foundation was the “Old Shore” line marked on the plan of Chichester House. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 240.n

In Speed's map of 1610, there is a pill or narrow inlet from the Liffey running up to this eastern front. The regular course of the shore line appears to have been Fleet-street by the same map. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 240.n

At Lazar's hill in the year 1657 we find a frigate built and launched. Among the Treasury warrants issued by the Commissioners of England for the affairs of Ireland, is an order dated the 24th March, 1657: “That James Standish, Receiver-General, do issue forth and pay unto Mr. Timothy Avery the sum of £100 on account, the same being to be by him issued out towards the finishing and speedy fitting to sea the new ffrigatt called the Lambay Catch, now rebuilt and lately launched, at Lazey Hill …” Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 240

Book of Treasury Warrants, A.D. 1656-1657. Record Tower, Dublin Castle. [As late as 1744 there was another launch. “Last Thursday, ‘the Boyne’ privateer was launched at George's-quay, at which vast numbers of spectators were present who wished her a good voyage and to take her enemies,” 29th September, 1744. The Dublin Journal, W. M. G.] Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 241.n1

Be it remembered that on Saturday the 12th of March, 1614, the Honorable Sir Arthur Chichester, Lord Chichester of Belfast, Deputy General of Ireland, after holding the sceptre of that Kingdom for nine years, five weeks and upwards, embarked in the King's Sloop called ‘the Moon,’ Beverley Newcomen, son and heir of Sir Robert Newcomen, Commander, on his voyage to England, being escorted from his house called Chichester House to the place called ‘the Hinge's Ende’ where the Sloop's boat awaited him, by the Lords Justices, Privy Council and others, Officers of the Army, Pensioners, and Members of Parliament, and the Mayor and Sheriffs, and the greater part of the Citizens of Dublin, all anxious to show their love, &c., &c. Exchequer Roll, 11th James I., (translation). Lord Berkely landed here, 1679, De Ginkle sailed hence, 1691. (Story's War of Ireland, p.285). Earl Wharton landed here, 1709. [The great guns were sent down to Ringsend to wait the arrival of the Duke of Devonshire our Lord Lieutenant, who is hourly expected here, Dublin News Letter, 29th September, 1741. W. M. G.] Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 241.n2

The ground for Bath-avenue was only recovered from the sea about 1792. [“31st May, 1792: The marsh between Beggar's-bush and Ringsend … is, we hear, taken by Mr. [Counsellor] Vavasour from Lord Fitzwilliam, for 150 years, at £190 per annum. This tract, which is inundated every tide, Mr. Vavasour will (it is said) reclaim by a complete double embankment of the Dodder. […] The river is to be turned to its own channel, which is the centre of the piece of ground south of Ringsend-bridge. […]” Dublin Chronicle. W. M. G.] Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 242

The plans of Yarranton and De Gomme directed attention to the improvement of the port of Dublin, the trade was then carried out by vessels of from fifty to one hundred tons burden. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 243

As there was no corporate or other body in Dublin entrusted with the conservancy of the river, and especially empowered to raise ballast, Henry Howard petitioned … that a patent be granted to him … for establishing a ballast office. This, however, was opposed by the Lord Mayor and citizens on the ground that the charter of King John gave to them the strand of the river, where ballast should be raised, and that they, therefore, prayed that permission to establish a ballast office might be granted to them, they applying the profits thereof to the maintenance of the intended “King's Hospital” (since better known as the Blue Coat School). Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 243-4

A.D. 1200. King John … grants to the citizens the fishery of one half of the Liffey, with liberty to build on the banks at their will. … A.D. 1215. Confirms to them the city in fee-farm with that part of the Liffey which belongs to them together with one part of the said river, except such fishings as we have granted in free alms [to St. Mary's Abbey, &c.], and such others as are held by ancient tenure. Dated at Marlbrege, 3rd of July, in the 17th year of his reign. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 244.n2

“King's Hospital” (since better known as the Blue Coat School) Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 224

The Corporation of Dublin [stated that] the river [Liffey] had become so shallow, and the channel so uncertain, that neither barques nor lighters of any burden could get up except at spring tides Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 245

The Corporation of Dublin [stated that] the river [Liffey] had become so shallow, and the channel so uncertain, that neither barques nor lighters of any burden could get up except at spring tides, much merchandise being unloaded at Ringsend, and thence carted up to Dublin, and prayed that they might be permitted to establish a Ballast Office. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 245

It is more likely, however, that the opposition [to the above] originated in some jealously respecting the Admiralty jurisdiction of the Port, the Lord Mayor being “Admiral of Dublin” Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 246

Upon an inquisition ad quod damnum the jury find it would be of no damage to the king or others to grant to the Mayor and citizens of Dublin, the customs of all merchandise brought for sale, either by land or sea, between Skerries and Alercornshed, otherwise Arclo. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 246.n1

• FW proto
• MS BL 47482a-63
• JJA 53:10 Usage
• Draft: II.2§8B.0

… and giving the city the office of Admiralty, with a court of Admiralty, water bailiffs, etc. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 246.n1

This obstacle was removed when the Ballast Office was created by an Act of the 6th of Queen Anne: for the city had privately promised the Queen's Consort, Prince George of Denmark, then Lord High Admiral of England, an annual tribute “of one hundred yards of the best Holland duck sail cloth, which shall be made in the realm of Ireland”. Charles Haliday, The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, 2nd ed. (1884) 247

The history of the early Danish kings, the descendants of Skjöld, was told in Skjöldunga saga, which was almost entirely of a legendary character; this existed as late as the seventeenth century, but is now known only in a Latin epitome. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 90

The word saga (of which the plural is sögar) literally means ‘something said,’ and was in use long before there was any written literature in Iceland. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 1

According to the story given in the saga of Harald, his desire of dominion was mainly due to the words of a girl, who refused to consider his wooing of her so long as he was only king over a few small districts;“and I think it strange,” she said, “that there is no king who will try to make Norway his own, as Gorm has done in Denmark, and Eirik at Uppsala.” W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 3

When these words were reported to Harald, he declared himself grateful for them, and made a vow never to cut or comb his hair, until be had made himself master of the whole of Norway. The following years, from 865 onwards, witnessed the rapid fulfilment of this resolve, culminating in the great sea-fight at Hafrsfirth on the west coast of Norway, in the year 872. After this battle, says his saga. King Harald met with no further resistance. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 3

With the second half of the century an important change took place. Harald the Fairhaired, whose paternal kingdom was limited to a small district in the east of Norway, began at an early age to extend his domain by conquest W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 2-3

Although isolated by their position in a remote island of the Atlantic, the Icelanders did not allow themselves to become a secluded people, with no interest in the lands beyond the sea and no knowledge of their affairs. For several generations close relations were maintained not only with their original home in Norway, but also with Sweden, Denmark, and the British Isles. Apart from the risks involved in crossing the wide stretch of ocean, risks which were reduced as for as possible by sailing only in summer, there was no difficulty in keeping up an intimate connexion with these countries. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 7-8

Others had seen the manners and men of foreign countries in the more peaceful capacity of traders, and as such had frequented not only foreign towns but even the courts of foreign kings, as Ohthere and Wulfstan did that of King Alfred. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 6

The total number of such poems known and repeated in Iceland during the eleventh and twelfth centuries must have been very great. It is recorded of one man, Stúf the Blind, who was himself a poet, that he could recite more than thirty long encomia (called drápur) and as many shorter ones (flokkar); this was about the year 1060. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 12

The total number of such poems known and repeated in Iceland during the eleventh and twelfth centuries must have been very great. It is recorded of one man, Stúf the Blind, who was himself a poet, that he could recite more than thirty long encomia (called drápur) and as many shorter ones (flokkar); this was about the year 1060. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 12

When Thormóð the poet was in Greenland, where he had gone with the object of avenging his foster-brother Thorgeir, he one day went to sleep in the booth (one of the temporary dwellings used by those who attended the thing or assembly). W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 14

How an untravelled Icelander could learn about events that took place in other lands is well illustrated by the story of a young man, who came one summer to the court of King Harald (surnamed haröráði), and was received there on condition that he should tell sagas whenever he was required to do so. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 15-6

In the saga of Njál it is told that when Kári and his comrades landed in the Orkneys on Christmas Day, and went up to the hall of Earl Sigurd, they found Gunnar Lambason in the act of telling how Njál's homestead and its inmates were burned by Flosi and his associates. Gunnar, who had also taken a part in the burning, was seated on a chair in front of King Bigtrygg of Dublin, and all the seats in the hall were filled with hearers. As Kári and the others stood listening outside, King Sigtrygg asked, “How did Skarp-heðin stand the burning?” “Well at first,” said Gunnar, “but in the end he wept,” and all through the story he told much both unfairly and falsely. Kári could not stand this, sprang in with drawn sword, and swept off Gunnar's head in a moment. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 15-16

The king suspected that this [despondency] was because his sagas had come to an end, and he had no entertainment to offer daring the festive season. The Icelander admitted that this was really the case. “I have only one saga left,” he said, “and I dare not tell that here, for it is about your own adventures in foreign lands.” “That is the saga I should most of all like to hear,” said the king, and gave him directions how to make it last over the Christmas festival W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 16

Halldór was another Icelander, who had been with Harald while he fought for the Greek emperor in Greece, Africa, and Italy, and afterwards carried home the story of all his exploits in these lands. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 16-7

The use of saga-telling to enliven festive gatherings is farther illustrated in the account of a wedding, which took place at Reykhólar (in the north-west of Iceland) in the year 1119. “Hrólf of Skólmarness,” it says, “told the saga about Hröngrvið the viking, and Ólaf, king of the Lithsmen, and the breaking into the grave-mound of Thráin the berserk, and Hrómund Gripsson, and many verses along with it. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 17

Ingimund the priest told the [lying-] saga of Orm, the poet of Barrey, with many verses in it, and at the end of it a good poem which Ingimund had composed; and for that reason many learned men take this saga as true. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 17

“What saga is that?” He answered, “It is about a great troll-wife, and it is a good saga, and moreover it is well told.” W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 18

In the year 1000, after a stubborn but short resistance on the part of those who favoured the old faith, Christianity was formally adopted by law as the religion of Iceland. This in time naturally brought with it the culture of the mediaeval church, and a knowledge of Latin. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 19-20

The authority for this statement is a small work written within twelve or fifteen years later by one who may truly be styled the farther of Icelandic history. This was a western Icelander named Ari Thorgilsson, sometimes surnamed ‘the priest’ (prestr), and sometimes ‘the learned’ (hinnfróði); not seldom both epithets are combined. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 21

Ari was born in the year 1067, and his ancestry was sufficiently distinguished to encourage any natural tendency in his mind to a study of the past. On his father's side he was a descendant of Ólaf the White, who in the latter half of the ninth century was Norse king in Dublin. Ólaf's son, Thorstein the Red, made a league with Earl Sigurd of the Orkneys against the Scots W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 21

Ari's chief work was one entitled Islendina-b‘ or ‘Book of Icelanders,’ of which only a second and shorter recension, made by the author himself about 1130, has come down to us. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 24

This thoroughness in Ari'a critical method made his work of great importance aa a foundation for Icelandic historical writing, and his services in this respect were probably far greater than appears even in the wonderful little booklet by which be is now represented. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 25-6

The example set by Ari did not long remain unfruitful. During the second half of the twelfth century there must have been much literary activity in Iceland, and many pens must have been at work recording local and foreign history, whether handed down from earlier times by tradition, or learned by special inquiry from still living authorities. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 25-6

The unknown author may plainly indicate not only his district, but even his own part of that district, either by a minute knowledge of the locality or by the adverbs of direction which he employs. It is often easy to perceive that outside of a certain area his knowledge of places, and of their relative positions and distances from each other, is vague, while within that area he is familiar with every foot of the ground. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 28-9

During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries there was considerable destruction of older manuscripts, and it is quite certain that much valuable matter has thus been lost The destruction would probably have been still greater, had not the Icelandic language undergone so little change during the centuries; the fact that even very old manuscripts were still perfectly intelligible to any one who cared to read them must have greatly assisted towards their preservation. Even at the present day, Iceland has a great advantage over most European countries, in being able with perfect ease to read and understand its best medieval literature. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 31

In giving some account of the extensive body of saga-literature relating directly to Iceland, or to its colony, Greenland, it will be best to divide it into four classes or groups, which to a great extent correspond to the historical development of the saga. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 36

In by far the greater number of these sagas the main action takes place at some period between the middle of the tenth century and the first quarter of the eleventh. In many of them, however, the story begins at an earlier date; not uncommonly some account is given of the ancestors of the hero, whether in Iceland itself or before the emigration to that island. Occasionally this part is so fully treated that the proper subject of the saga is quite late in making its appearance […] W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 35-6

The story, written by someone with thorough local knowledge and an interest in the past history of the district, is excellently told, and forms a neatly rounded tale, with an unexpected turn at the close. The whole series of events arises in a natural way out of Hrafnkel's personal character, coupled with his possession of a horse, which he had dedicated to the god Frey, and with regard to which he had made a rash vow. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 38

These verses he afterwards adapted to suit a new love, but Thorbjörg appeared to him in a dream, reproached him with his unfaithfulness, and afflicted him with a pain in the eyes, which proved so violent that be was fain to be freed from it by making an open confession of his guilt. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) ?50

The serious character of the story is cleverly relieved by scenes of a lighter character at the Althingi, where a chief's festered toe was humorously utilized as a means of enlisting his sympathy on the side of the injured, and thus enabling those whom Hrafhkel had despised to triumph over him. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 38-9

This youthfulness of the heroes is a common feature in many sagas, and it is difficult to say how far it is merely conventional. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 41

The old sport of horse-fighting and the pastime of ‘choosing confidants’ have also a part in the sequence of events. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 53

There is also a slight love-interest in the story of the poet Thormóð Bersason, commonly called kolbrúnarskáld, from the verses which he composed in praise of Thorbjörg, surnamed kolbrún on account of her coal-black eyebrows. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 50

As it now exists, the true beginning has disappeared. and its place has been taken by a purely fanciful account of Thórir's adventures in Norway; in this the conventional method of obtaining treasure by digging into a grave-mound is slightly varied, as the buried berserk prevents Thórir from carrying out his design, and directs him to a greater source of wealth. To obtain this, Thórir and his comrades had to enter, at great risk, a cave inhabited by dragons, and were rewarded for their daring by abundance of gold, from which Thórir derived his later distinctive epithet W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 53-4

One of the most striking characters in the saga is a woman, Yngvild of the fair cheeks,whose share in bringing about the death of Klaufi was relentlessly punished by his kinsman Karl the Red. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 51

Some events in the early history of the settlement are then recounted, and here occurs the fullest extant description of an old Icelandic ‘spae-wife’ and her methods of divination. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 57

On his way back to Greenland he [Eirik the Red] was driven out of his course, and came to a strange land, which either then or soon afterwards received the name of Vinland. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 57

The situation is to a great extent the same as in the sagas of Gunnlaug and Bjoörn but is rendered much more striking by the strong character of Guðrún herself, compared with whom Helga and Oddný are weak and colourless. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 64-5

One of these is a full account of the introduction of Christianity into Iceland; another is a considerable portion of what must have been a Brjáns saga, or a history of the Irish king Brian Boru, who fought the battle of Clontarf against the Scandinavians in 1014. It is here that the famous poem is preserved which Gray paraphrased in his ‘Fatal Sisters.’ W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 68

Of Ísleif and Gizur there are also accounts in the book called Hungrvaka, written about or soon after 1200, and so named by its author because he hoped that it might ‘wake hunger’ in its readers to know more about the great and pious men whose careers he relates. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 71

About the middle of the twelfth century lived Eirik Oddsson, of whom little is known except that he spent a good part of his life in Norway. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 80

This book, which for some unknown reason bore the name of Hryggjarstykkior ‘back-piece,’ has not come down in its original form, but parts of it are preserved in later works dealing with the same period. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 80

A considerable number of these [later, mythical and romantic, fictitious] sagas, evidently representing one of the earliest types of Icelandic fiction, relate to persons belonging to the prehistoric period of Norway or the other Scandinavian countries. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 92

The disconnected character of the saga indicates pretty clearly that the writer was dealing with vague traditions, and the nature of these shows that they had played a considerable part in their formation. Thus King Hjörleif throws his spear at a troll or giant and strikes him in the eye; on a voyage he sees rising out of the sea a great hill shaped like a man and endowed with speech; there is brought to him a merman who can foretell the future, and so on. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 93

It would be tedious to enumerate and describe all the other sagas of this type, which are commonly known under the title of Fornaldarsögar, or ‘sagas of olden time,’ and are sufficiently numerous to fill three substantial volumes W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 95

The memory of another famous Dane is preserved in the saga of Ragnar loðbrók, so named from the shaggy trousers which he wore when be went to slay a monstrous snake. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 96

Here occurs the story of Bóðvar bjarki, which has obvious relations with some portions of the Old English poem of Béowulf; also the famous visit of Hrólf to the Swedish king Aðils at Uppsala, and his strewing of Fýrisveillir with gold in order to delay his pursuers. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 95

His [Ragnar's] death was subsequently avenged by his sons, one of whom had obtained land in England by the old device of the bull's hide cut in strips, and thus became the founder of the town of London W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 96

There is also some remarkable poetry in the early part of Hervarar saga, which tells how Hervör, whose father Angantýr had fallen in battle in Sámsey, went to his grave-mound in order to recover the famous sword Tyrfing, which had been buried with him W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 96

In respect both of its contents and the mode of its composition Völsunga saga has a very distinctive character, which calls for special mention. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 97

The first personage of real importance in the story is King Völsung, from whose descendants the saga takes its name. These are especially the son of Völsung, Sigmund, and his sons, Sinfjötlí and Sigurd. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 97

Its principal contents are thus the sagas of Magnus and of Harald harðráði, of Magnos berfœtt, and of Sigurd, who went as for as Jerusalem and so received the name of Jórsali-fari. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 84

La seconda spezie d'anacronismi è di fatti avvenuti in uno stesso tempo, che sono rapportati in tempi lontanissimi tra di loro: come Giove rapisce Europa cinquecento anni innanzi che Minosse, primo corseggiatore dell'Egeo, impone la crudel pena agli Ateniesi di consegnargli ogni anno i garzoni e le donzelle da divorarsi dal suo Minotauro; che pur altri han voluto essere una nave da corso di Minosse, con cui corseggiavano i Cretesi l'Archipelago; il quale per li molti anfratti delle sue isole si è ritruovato da noi essere il primo labirinto: quando l'una e l'altra favola sono istoria de' corseggi di Grecia, i quali non avvennero se non dopo fondate dentro terra le nazioni, per uno spavento che lungo tempo tutte ebbero del mare, come ce'l conferma della sua Grecia apertamente Tucidide; e gli ultimi ritruovati dalle nazioni sono la navale e la nautica.
[The second kind of anachronism concerns events that occurred at the same time but have been reported as belonging to times very distant from one another. Thus Jove, for example, abducts Europa five hundred years before Minos, the first pirate of the Aegean, imposes on the Athenians the cruel punishment of an annual consignment of youths and maidens to be devoured by his Minotaur. Others, however, have claimed that the Minotaur was Minos' pirate ship with which the Cretans raided the Archipelago, which, as we discovered [in another work], because of the many gorges in its islands, was the first Labyrinth. Both of these different fables are histories of Greek pirates, but pirates did not arise until after the inland nations were founded, because of the longstanding fear of the sea that Thucydides openly attributes to the Greek nation. Moreover, naval and nautical discoveries are the last that nations make.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book II, Ch. LIX

Ma tutto ciò ne dispera di ritruovar certi tempi da determinare il lunghissimo tratto che vi corse, per lo quale le nazioni dalla volgare astronomia vennero alla riposta, dalla quale unicamente si ha la certezza della cronologia. Quindi deonsi andare a ritruovare i tempi delle cose oscure e favolose dentro la nostra umana mente con essa serie, delle medesime umane necessità o utilità, condotta sopra le sette de' tempi, e sopra certi incominciamenti de' costumi di esse nazioni, così da' loro siti in riguardo generalmente alla natura de' paesi, e spezialmente alla Mesopotamia, dalla quale son tutte uscite; come da' governi delle medesime secondo i loro costumi; perchè si determini, da quando dovettero esse incominciare, conducendoci fino alle nazioni presenti d'ultima discoverta; come, per esemplo, che da un quattro mila anni e non più innanzi abbia cominciato la nazione chinese, che penuria ancora di voci articolate, delle quali non ha più che da un trecento, e scrive per geroglifici; lo che essi devono al recinto de' monti inaccessibili, e al gran muro con che essi si chiusero alle straniere nazioni: ma da un tre mila anni la Giapponese, gente anco feroce, e che nell' aria del parlare somiglia tutta alla Latina: da un mille e cinquecento quella degli Americani nel tempo della loro discoverta ritruovati governarsi con terribili religioni nello stato ancora delle famiglie: e quivi da un mille anni incominciata quella de'Giganti nel piè dell' America; i quali appruovano che dal settentrione di Europa vi fossero portati per tempesta uomini con donne, e verisimilmente dalla Groellanda come pur dicono.
[But all this still leaves us in despair of discovering the certain times with which to determine the very long period that it took for the nations to reach their recondite astronomy from their vulgar astronomy, through which alone certainty can be given to chronology. Hence it is necessary to discover the times of the obscure and fabulous things from within our own minds, by means of the identical series of human necessities and utilities that caused the customs of the nations to proceed from certain beginnings through certain sects of time. [And here we must pay attention] to the relationship between the physical sites of the nations and the nature of their countries in general, and that of Mesopotamia in particular, since the [original] nations all came from there, as well as the relationship between their governments and their customs, in order to determine when they must have begun and to take us up to the latest contemporary nations to be discovered. Thus, for example, the Chinese nation began some four thousand years ago, though no earlier, and yet still suffers from a scarcity of articulate words, of which there are no more than about three hundred, and still writes in hieroglyphics. This must be because of the ring of inaccessible mountains and the great wall with which China kept herself closed to foreign nations. The Japanese nation, on the other hand, which began some three thousand years ago, and is still a ferocious race, resembles the Latins closely in its manner of speaking. Then, again, there are the Americans, who originated fifteen hundred years ago, but, at the time of their discovery, were found to be governed with dreadful religions and were still in the state of the families. Here also, at the foot of America, a nation of giants originated a thousand years ago, proving, it has been said, that men and women were carried there by storms from the northern parts of Europe and, probably, Greenland. Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book II, Ch. LVIII

Scoverta di nuove Spezie di Anacronismi, e di altri Principj di emendargli. Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book II, Ch. LIX

La prima di fatti avvenuti in tempi divisi, narratici in un tempo istesso: come Orfeo fonda la nazion greca, e si ritruova compagno di Giasone nella spedizione di Ponto, dove pur convengono Castore e Polluce fratelli d'Elena, per lo cui rapimento fatto da Paride avviene la guerra trojana: talchè in una stessa età di uomo, i Greci da selvaggi e fieri, quali Orfeo li truovò, vengono in tanto lustro e splendore di nazione, che fanno tanto rinomate spedizioni marittime, quanto fu la trojana; i quali fatti combinati è affatto impossibile alla mente umana d'intendere.
[The first concerns events that occurred in different times but have been narrated to us as occurring at the same time. Thus Orpheus, for example, both founds the Greek nation and is discovered to be Jason's companion in the expedition to Pontus, where both are joined by Castor and Pollux, the brothers of Helen, whose abduction by Paris was the cause of the Trojan War. Thus, in one and the same age of man, the Greeks, savage and wild as Orpheus found them, acquire a lustre and splendour the equal of nations such as the Trojans, who make so many renowned maritime expeditions. But it is utterly impossible for the human mind to understand such a combination of events.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book II, Ch. LIX

La seconda spezie d'anacronismi è di fatti avvenuti in uno stesso tempo, che sono rapportati in tempi lontanissimi tra di loro: come Giove rapisce Europa cinquecento anni innanzi che Minosse, primo corseggiatore dell'Egeo, impone la crudel pena agli Ateniesi di consegnargli ogni anno i garzoni e le donzelle da divorarsi dal suo Minotauro; che pur altri han voluto essere una nave da corso di Minosse, con cui corseggiavano i Cretesi l'Archipelago; il quale per li molti anfratti delle sue isole si è ritruovato da noi essere il primo labirinto: quando l'una e l'altra favola sono istoria de' corseggi di Grecia, i quali non avvennero se non dopo fondate dentro terra le nazioni, per uno spavento che lungo tempo tutte ebbero del mare, come ce'l conferma della sua Grecia apertamente Tucidide; e gli ultimi ritruovati dalle nazioni sono la navale e la nautica.
[The second kind of anachronism concerns events that occurred at the same time but have been reported as belonging to times very distant from one another. Thus Jove, for example, abducts Europa five hundred years before Minos, the first pirate of the Aegean, imposes on the Athenians the cruel punishment of an annual consignment of youths and maidens to be devoured by his Minotaur. Others, however, have claimed that the Minotaur was Minos' pirate ship with which the Cretans raided the Archipelago, which, as we discovered [in another work], because of the many gorges in its islands, was the first Labyrinth. Both of these different fables are histories of Greek pirates, but pirates did not arise until after the inland nations were founded, because of the longstanding fear of the sea that Thucydides openly attributes to the Greek nation. Moreover, naval and nautical discoveries are the last that nations make.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book II, Ch. LIX

La terza spezie è di tempi narrati, come vacui di fatti, i quali ne furon pienissimi: come tutto il tempo oscuro di Grecia; nel quale, come si vedrà appresso, si devono rifonder tutte le storie greche politiche o civili conservate dai Greci in tutte le loro favole degli Dei, ed in buona e gran parte di quelle de' loro eroi: che certamente sbalordisce chiunque vi rifletta sopra, non per ricordarsi da Filologo, ma per intendere da Filosofi, che dopo regni in Grecia fondati, reali discendenze descritte, reami per guerre passati da altre in altre case, venga Orfeo, e col suo liuto addimestichi gli uomini selvaggi di Grecia, e vi fondi la greca nazione!
[The third kind of anachronism consists of times described as being empty of events of which they were extremely full. Thus, for example, the whole of the obscure time of Greece, within which, as we shall see below, it is necessary to recast all the histories, political and civil, which the Greeks preserved in all the fables of their gods and, in large part also, in those of their heroes. For it must certainly be a cause of astonishment to anyone who reflects upon it, not with memory as a philologist but with understanding as a philosopher, that, after kingdoms had been founded in Greece and had passed from house to house through war, together with descriptions of their royal descendants, Orpheus should come forth and, to [the sound of] his lute, domesticate the savage men of Greece and found the Greek nation.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book II, Ch. LIX

In Norway, from at least 1225 or so, these romances had come into vogue under the patronage of King Hákon, at whose instance some, if not most, of the existing translations were made. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 99-100

In Norway, from at least 1225 or so, these romances had come into vogue under the patronage of King Hákon, at whose instance some, if not most, of the existing translations were made. He is expressly named as having commissioned the sagas of Tristram, translated in 1236 by ‘Brother Robert,’ of Elis and Bosamunda by the same hand, of Ivent (= Yvain) and of the mantle (Möttula saga), as well as a translation of the lais of Marie of France. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 99-100

[Suggested by context: ie, ‘Patricksaga’] W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 100

As in the poorer specimens of Fornaldarsoögur, single incidents or episodes may be fairly well told or exhibit some originality, but as a rule these sagas are merely tedious both in matter and in language. They were, however, extremely popular, and many of them were subsequently turned into metre, usually with elaborate rhymes; the sets of poems produced in this way are known in Icelandic by the name of rímur, and form in themselves an extensive and curious branch of literature. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 100-101

This is still more evident in that of Eirík the Wide-faring, who is represented to have been a son of Thránd, the first king of Thrándheim in Norway. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 102

Among those which have been preserved, ancient history is represented by half-a-dozen works. The most comprehensive of these (now called Veraldar saga) is an account of the six ages of the world, mainly founded on Bæda's treatise. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 105

Greek history is represented by sagas of Troy and of Alexander. The former of these (Trójumanna saga) is mainly a translation of Dares Phrygius, but with occasional use of other works. It begins with some account of Greek mythology and early legend, and ends with the reoccupation of Troy by the sons of Hector. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 106

The translation, which has much literary merit, was probably made at the instance of King Magnus Hákonsson, for whom Brand also compiled a history of the Jews (Gyðinga saga) from the rise of Antiochus to the death of Pilate. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 108

La quarta è di tempi narratici pieni di fatti, de' quali devon esser vuoti; come il tempo eroico, che corre a' Greci per li Cronologi dugento anni; il quale o deve correre cinquecento, o trecento anni di esso si devono restituire al tempo oscuro, per l'anzi fatta difficoltà di Orfeo, fondatore della greca nazione, ritrovato sincrono o contemporaneo della guerra trojana.
[The fourth kind of anachronism consists of times described as being full of events of which they must have been empty. Thus, for example, the heroic time which, according to the chronologists, lasted for two hundred years among the Greeks, must either have lasted for five hundred years, or three hundred years of it ought to be restored to the obscure time, [to avoid] the foregoing difficulty in which Orpheus, the founder of the Greek nation, becomes synchronous and contemporary with the Trojan War.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book II, Ch. LIX

La quinta ed ultima spezie finalmente è di quelli che volgarmente si dicono anacronismi, in significazione di tempi prevertiti: e si pongono, come dodici minute epoche o punti fissi d'istoria, i dodici Dei delle genti maggiori, stabiliti con una Teogonia naturale, della quale appresso si darà un saggio: e con queste epoche si danno i tempi loro alle antichissime cose civili della Grecia, le quali certamente dovettero nascere innanzi a quelle delle guerre.
[Finally, the fifth and last kind consists in those that in the vulgar are called ‘anachronisms’, by which is meant ‘anticipated times’. To correct these kinds of anachronisms] we now lay down [the principle] that the twelve gods of the greater gentes were twelve short epochs or fixed points of history. The gods themselves will be established through a natural theogony, an account of which is given below, and by means of these epochs, times will be assigned to the oldest civil things in Greece, which must certainly have been born before those of war.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book II, Ch. LIX (163)

Qui si vanno a ritruovare nuovi principj storici della geografia; per li quali si difende Omero da un gran'numero di errori che in sì fatta scienza finora a torto gli sono stati imputati; e si fa più ragionevole la geografia poetica sopra una a' poeti convenevole cosmografia: che il primo Olimpo fu il monte sopra la cui cima e per lo cui dorso Omero sempre descrive le case eie' suoi Dei: il primo Oceano fu ogni mare interminato agli occhi, onde si può vedere la notte sempre sul mare la Cinosura, che dovettero i Greci aver appreso da' Fenici, i quali a' tempi di Omero già praticavano per le marine di Grecia: come egli descrive l'Isola Eolia circondata dall'Oceano, così si truovò acconcia la voce Oceano a significare il mare che abbraccia tulta la terra, che dopo più migliaja di anni scoversero finalmente i nostri viaggiatori.
[Hence we must set out in search of new historical principles of geography, both to defend Homer against the large number of errors of which the science of geography has hitherto wrongly accused him, and to render poetic geography more coherent by basing it on a cosmography suited to [the nature of] the poets. [In this new historical geography] the first Olympus was the mountain upon whose peak and ridge Homer always located the dwellings of his gods. The first ocean was any sea without visible limit, [which explains why] the Polar Star could always be seen from the sea at night. The Greeks must have learnt about the star itself from the Phoenicians, who were already plying the shores of Greece in Homer's time. And just as Homer describes the island of Aeolia as being surrounded by the ocean, so the word ‘ocean’ became suitable for signifying the sea that embraced the whole earth, when it was finally discovered by our voyagers thousands of years later. Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book II, Ch. LX

Quindi la prima Tracia, la prima Mauritania, la prima India, la prima Esperia furono il settentrione, il mezzodì, l'oriente e l'occidente d'essa Grecia: onde Orfeo trace è pur famoso eroe della Grecia: all'opposto Perseo, pur famoso eroe greco, fa tulte le sue chiare imprese in Mauritania, cioè nel Peloponneso, il quale pure ci è restato detto Morea; della quale Èrodoto non seppe che erano i suoi Greci, il quale narra che i Mori di Affrica furono un tempo e bianchi e belli.
[Similarly, the first Thrace, the first Mauretania, the first India and the first Spain were the north, south, east and west of Greece herself: hence the Thracian Orpheus is also a famous hero of Greece, while, in the other direction, Perseus, another famous Greek hero, accomplished all his distinguished exploits in Mauretania, i.e. the Peloponnese, which is still called Morea. Yet not only did Herodotus not know that these heroes were his own Greeks but he also states that at one time the Moors of Africa were a white and handsome people!] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book II, Ch. LX

Perchè in questa Mauritania greca dovette essere alcun primo fondatore di greco popolo, principe dell' astronomia volgare de' Greci: come certamente gli Efori di Sparta, capitale del Peloponneso, indovinavano dal tragitto delle stelle cadenti la notte, che furono i Zoroasti agli Orientali; perchè Atlante fece egli pure le sue figliuole Esperidi nella Grecia, e nel peso dell'Olimpo, che aveva portato sulle spalle, lasciò Ercole successore, eroe massimo incontrastato di Grecia; la cui razza senza dubbio regnò in Isparta; nè ci fu mai Ercole spiegato da' mitologi, che avesse perpetuato alcuna scuola di sapienza riposta de' suoi più antichi. Ma la spezie d'indovinare degli Efori ci da grave motivo di credere che nel Peloponneso venne alcuna colonia d'Oriente, come da Pelope Frigio certamente ebbe il nome di Peloponneso, che vi portò questa sorte d'indovinare propia degli Orientali: perchè tutti gli altri Greci indovinavano dalla folgore e dal tuono; con la sola differenza da' Latini, che le parti destre a quelli erano a questi sinistre, e le sinistre al contrario. E così Ercole, della cui razza furono i nobili Spartani, che ne serbarono il patrimonio di Eraclidi, succedé ad Atlante nel peso di sostenere gli Dei della lora nazione. Però non vi provennero astronomi riposti, perchè gli Spartani furono da Licurgo, come ognun sa, proibiti saper di lettera. E in cotal guisa Zoroaste, che dovette essere il Panfilio, confinante con la Frigia, di cui fu Pelope, venne a insegnare Atlante in sua propia casa nella Tracia: nè Orfeo ebbe bisogno di andare fino a Marocco per apprendere da Atlante l'astronomia.
Greek Mauretania must have been the home of some first founder of the Greek people, a prince of the vulgar astronomy of the Greeks. For the ephors of Sparta, the capital of the Peloponnese, whose divination was based upon the trajectory of falling stars at night, were certainly such [princes of a vulgar astronomy], as were all the Zoroasters of the peoples of the East. But since Atlas' only children were daughters, i.e. the Hesperides of Greece, he left the weight of Olympus, which he had carried on his shoulders, to his successor, Hercules. Yet though Hercules was indisputably the greatest of the Greek heroes, and though his race undoubtedly reigned in Sparta, we have never yet received a satisfactory explanation of him from the mythologists, who have perpetuated some or other school of recondite wisdom from others yet more ancient. But the kind of divination practised by the ephors gives us very serious reason to believe that a colony from the East came to the Peloponnese, since the name ‘Peloponnese’ itself certainly came from the Phrygian Pelops, and that it brought with it the sort of divination proper to the peoples of the East. For the divination of all the other Greeks peoples was based upon thunder and lightning, in which respect they differed from the Latins only in their contrasting use of their right and left sides. Thus Hercules, from whose race came the noble Spartans who preserved the patronymic ‘Heraclid’, succeeded Atlas in bearing the burden of sustaining the gods of their nation. But no recondite astronomers ever arose in Sparta because, as everyone knows, Lycurgus prohibited the Spartans from knowledge of letters. Thus [it was] Zoroaster, and it must have been the Zoroaster of Pamphylia, which bordered on Phrygia, the birthplace of Pelops, who came to teach Atlas in his own dwelling in Thrace. Hence Orpheus had no need to travel as far as Morocco to learn astronomy from Atlas!] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book II, Ch. LX

Con questi istessi principj può, anzi dee Bacco aver domato l'India dentro la Grecia medesima, per le difficoltà che sopra vedemmo, di aver potuto venir Pittagora da Gotrone in Roma a' tempi di Servio Tullio; e di non saper i Tarantini che i Romani erano in Italia. Così Ercole riporta le poma d'oro da Esperia greca, che dovette essere la prima a' Greci quella parte occidentale d'Attica, dentro la cui quarta parte del cielo sorge loro la stella Espero: onde poi conosciuta l'Italia, la dissero Esperia Magna, a riguardo della Esperia Parva; perchè era una picciola parte di Grecia l'occidente dell' Attica; ed Esperia Magna per l'Italia restò a' poeti: poi, conosciuta la Spagna, la dissero Esperia ultima, la quale così restò detta. Alla stessa fatta la prima Europa dovette essere essa Grecia a riguardo dell' Asia: così la prima Jonia dovette essere questa parte di Grecia occidentale, di cui ci è pur restata detto il mare Jonio: e l'Asia, che or si dice Minore, dovette essere la Jonia Seconda, parte occidentale di Grecia a riguardo dell' Asia maggiore, che restò detta Asia assolutamente. Onde si fa verisimile che i Greci avessero prima conosciuto l'Italia che l'Asia, e che Pittagora da questa Jonia occidentale vi avesse tragittato.
[These same principles [show that] Bacchus could, or rather must, have tamed an India that lay within Greece herself. For otherwise we are faced with the difficulties, mentioned above, of the suggestion that Pythagoras could have come from Crotona to Rome at the time of Servius Tullius, and of the Tarantines' lack of knowledge that the Romans lived in Italy. Thus, for the Greeks, the Hesperia from which Hercules brought back the golden apple must first have been the part of western Africa within whose quarter of the sky Hesperus himself rose. Later, after they came to know of Italy, they called it Esperia magna [‘Hesperia Major’], relative to Esperia parva [‘Hesperia Minor’], because western Attica was a small part of Greece, and the poets retained the name Esperia magna for Italy. Then, after they came to know of Spain, it became Esperia ultima [‘furthest Hesperia’], a name that it also retained. In the same way, the first Europe must have been Greece relative to Asia, the first Ionia must have been the part of western Greece that is still called ‘the Ionian Sea’, and the Asia that is now called ‘Asia Minor’ must have been the second lonia, the western part of Greece, relative to Greater Asia, which has survived as ‘Asia’ without qualification. Hence it becomes probable that the Greeks knew of Italy before they knew Asia, and that Pythagoras crossed to Italy from western Ionia.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book II, Ch. LX

Ma la natura dell' autorità, con la quale i primi fondatori delle città dicevano a' ricoverati, essere propie loro quelle terre ove avevano quelli ritruovato l'asilo; per la quale Romolo sopra il diritto eroico del nodo aveva fondato la sua con le clientele; e con la quale i Romani, come si è dimostro qui sopra, regolarono in casa tutte le pubbliche e private cose; e in conseguenza dovettero anche regolarle fuori nelle conquiste; perchè ella sconosciuta fin ora nella legge delle XII Tavole, come ci ha per tanto tempo nascosto la propagazione della' gente romana con distendere il diritto romano nel Lazio, nell'Italia, nelle provincie; che è pure il diritto delle genti, per lo quale Plutarco afferma, il popolo romano esser divenuto signore delle nazioni: così ella ci ha sepolta la fiaccola di queste cose d'istoria certa, per riconoscere nell' oscura e favolosa il vero della propagazione del genere umano dall'Oriente per lo rimanente del mondo, che è giaciuto finora dentro l'ombre e le favole della più deplorata antichità.
[The first thing we must consider is the nature of the authority through which the first founders of the cities claimed to own the lands in which those whom they sheltered found asylum. This was the authority through which Romulus, with his heroic law of the bond, founded his asylum on the basis of his clienteles and through which the Romans, as demonstrated above, regulated all things, public and private, at home. It must therefore also have been that with which they regulated them abroad through their conquests. But because the nature of this authority has hitherto lain unknown in the Law of the Twelve Tables, the propagation of the Roman people and the extension of their law into Latium, Italy and the provinces, the same law through which Plutarch claimed that the Roman people became lord of the nations, has long lain hidden from us. And with it, the torch of the things of certain history has also lain hidden, without which it will be impossible to recover the truth of the propagation of mankind from the East to the rest of the world, a truth that has hitherto lain buried in the shadows and fables of the most deplored antiquity.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book II, Ch. LXII (169)

… poi, conosciuta la Spagna, la dissero Esperia ultima, la quale così restò detta. Alla stessa fatta la prima Europa dovette essere essa Grecia a riguardo dell' Asia: così la prima Jonia dovette essere questa parte di Grecia occidentale, di cui ci è pur restata detto il mare Jonio: e l'Asia, che or si dice Minore, dovette essere la Jonia Seconda, parte occidentale di Grecia a riguardo dell' Asia maggiore, che restò detta Asia assolutamente. Onde si fa verisimile che i Greci avessero prima conosciuto l'Italia che l'Asia, e che Pittagora da questa Jonia occidentale vi avesse tragittato.
[Then, after they came to know of Spain, it became Esperia ultima [‘furthest Hesperia’], a name that it also retained. In the same way, the first Europe must have been Greece relative to Asia, the first Ionia must have been the part of western Greece that is still called ‘the Ionian Sea’, and the Asia that is now called ‘Asia Minor’ must have been the second lonia, the western part of Greece, relative to Greater Asia, which has survived as ‘Asia’ without qualification. Hence it becomes probable that the Greeks knew of Italy before they knew Asia, and that Pythagoras crossed to Italy from western Ionia.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) ?Book II, Ch. LX

Si scuopre il gran principio della propagazione delle nazioni. Con questi principj di cronologia e di geografia si medita nel grande oscurissimo principio della propagazione delle nazioni e dell' origine delle lingue: sopra le quali cose Wolfgango Lazio lavorò due nen grandi volumi, co' quali non ci dà nulla più di certo per la certa origine o perpetuità della storia. Noi, come le parole van di seguito alle cose, nel Libro seguente ragioneremo dell' origine delle lingue: in questo tratteremo della propagazione delle nazioni, per queste quattro verità meditate sopra l'umana natura; che gli uomini si riducono ad abbandonare le propie terre da una di queste quattro cagioni, secondo quest' ordine delle umane necessità o utilità, l'una succedente all'altra: prima da una assoluta necessità di campar la vita: seconda da una difficoltà insuperabile di poterlavi sostentare: terza da una grande ingordigia di arricchire co' traffichi: quarta da una grande ambizione di conservare gli acquisti.
[Book II, Chapter LXI. The discovery of the great principle of the propagation of the nations: With these principles of chronology and geography we come now to meditate on the great but most obscure principle of the propagation of the nations and the origins of their languages, sub-jects upon which Wolfgang Latius laboured in two very large volumes, without producing any-thing new or certain about the certain origin and continuity of history. However, since words fol-low in the wake of things, we shall defer our discussion of the origin of languages until the next book, and concentrate in this book on the propagation of the nations. We shall treat it on the ba-sis of a meditation concerning four truths of human nature, whereby men are reduced to aban-doning their own lands through one of four causes which succeed each other in accordance with the following order of human necessities or utilities: first, an absolute necessity to save their lives; second, an insurmountable difficulty in being able to support themselves; third, a great greed for enrichment through trade; and fourth, a great ambition to preserve their acquisitions.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book II, Ch. LXI

Ed essendo sparsa da per tutte le antiche nazioni una superstizione di non abitare su i lidi del mare; del qual costume delle prime genti vi hanno bellissimi luoghi nell' Odissea, che dovunque Ulisse, o approda, o è da tempesta portato, monta alcun poggio, per veder dentro terra fumo che significassegli esservi uomini: il qual costume tra gli stessi suoi antichi Greci riconobbe Tucidide nel principio della sua Storia; e ne rifonde la cagione nel timor de' corseggi.
[Here we must note] that throughout all the ancient nations, the superstition had spread that they ought not to live on the shores of the sea, a custom of the first peoples which is revealed in some fine passages in the Odyssey: thus, when Ulysses, for example, either lands or is carried to land by storm, he climbs some hill in order to see whether there is any smoke inland that would indicate the presence of men; Thucydides also, at the start of his History, acknowledges that this was the custom among these same ancient Greeks, and puts its cause down to their fear of pirates.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book II, Ch. LXIII

The latter are very extensive, and of one or more only fragments are preserved. Of the more complete texts, the older is of Norwegian origin, and is a translation of the Quadrilogus or Historia quadripartita. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 108

The numerous lives of saints, with their long series of miracles performed by the more famous of them, undoubtedly gave suggestions for the similar accounts of Norwegian and Icelandic saints and bishops. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 109

This begins with the creation and the flood, the division of the world among Noah's sons, the tower of Babel, and so on; then it tells of Saturn and Jupiter, and older ancient deities, and of Troy and its kings. One of these had a son named Trór, “him we call Thor”; he married Sibil, “whom we call Sif,” and from him Odin was descended. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 109

Odin left his own country, Tyrkland, and came north with a great multitude of people and much treasure. They first settled in Saxland, then in Jutland, and finally in Sweden and Norway; and from Odin the royal and noble families in these countries were ultimately sprung. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 109

Of the five longer sagas of Icelanders the following separate translations are available. The Story of Burnt Njal, by Sir G. W. Dasent (1861, in two volumes; reprinted in one volume in 1900, and again in ‘Everyman's Library,’ 1912). W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 112

The Eyrbiggia, or the Story of the Ere-Dwellers, by the same, in vol. II of the ‘Saga Library,’ published by B. Quaritch (1892). W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 112

• FW 220.24
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Laxtæda Saga, by Muriel A. C. Press, in the ‘Temple Classics’ (1899) series. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 112

Laxtæda Saga, by Muriel A. C. Press, in the ‘Temple Classics’ (1899) series. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 112

Very few of the mythical and fictitious sagas are accessible in translations. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 116

… the second volume (1893) contains the story of the Heath-Slayings (i.e. Heiðervíga saga) W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 116

The sagas relating to the discovery of America by the Icelanders have been most fully dealt with by Arthur Reeves in the Finding of Wineland the Good (1890) W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 113

The Rolls edition of Thomas saga erkibyskups, by E. Magnusson (1875-83), is accompanied by a full translation. W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 114

In addition to the above, there are some works in which copious excerpts from the Sagas are given, such as F. Metcalfe's The Englishman and the Scandinavian (1880) and P. du Chaillu's Viking Age (1889). W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 116

A number of typical passages are also translated in Stories from the Northern Sagas, by A.F. Major and E.E. Speight (2nd ed, 1905) and Translations from the Icelandic, by the Rev. W.C. Green, in the ‘King's Classics’ (1908) W. A. Craige, The Icelandic Sagas, (1913) 116

Scoverta del primo principio di questa scienza.
Finalmente si truova essere state da per tutto prima le nazioni mediterranee, poi le marittime; che riconosce pur vero Tucidide: ed investigando nelle cagioni, si medita nel più gran principio dell'umanità gentilesca; per la cui ricerca preposimo al Libro primo quel motto: ignari hominumque locorumque erramus: con rinvenire tal guisa, che dalla Mesopotamia, che è la terra più mediterranea di tutto l'universo abitabile, e 'n conseguenza la più antica di tutte le nazioni del mondo, da dugento anni innanzi, che avvenne la confusione delle lingue in Babilonia, le razze empie di Cam e Giafet, incominciando a penetrare la gran selva della terra, per ritraovar pabolo o acqua, o per campare dalle fiere; e per lo terror nelle fiere dividendosi gli uomini dalle donne e le madri da' lor figliuoli, senza certe vie da potersi rinvenire; e rimasti i fanciulli tutti soli, senza udir voce umana, non che apprendere uman costume, vi si dispersero dentro da per tutto in una bestial libertà; e per le cagioni molto maggiori di quelle che arrecano Cesare e Tacito della gigantesca statura degli antichi Germani, vi crebbero giganti; e poi ricevutisi alle religioni, si fondarono le loro lingue natíe; e '1 tutto si riduce all'antichità della religione del vero Dio creatore di Adamo, la cui pia generazione innanzi e dopo il diluvio abitò la Mesopotamia.
[Book II, Chapter LXIV [LXV]. The discovery of the first origin in this Science:
Finally, we find that everywhere inland nations rose first, followed by the maritime nations, a truth acknowledged also by Thucydides. Our investigation of causes brings us therefore to meditate on the most important origin of gentile humanity, the search for which is the reason why, in our first book, we proposed the expression Ignari hominumque locorumque erraimus [‘We wander ignorant both of men and places’]. The mode that we now discover is that since Mesopotamia was the most inland part of the whole habitable universe, the oldest of all the nations in the world arose there. Hence, some two hundred years before the occurrence of the confusion of tongues in Babylon, [it is here that] the impious races of Ham and Japhet began to penetrate the great forest of the earth in search of food and water to save themselves from the terrifying wild animals and, with men separated from women and mothers from children, without any certain ways of reuniting, their children remained utterly alone, beyond reach of am human voice or any human custom. Thus these impious races everywhere dispersed in a bestial liberty in which, by dint of causes vastly greater than those that Caesar and Tacitus adduced for the gigantic stature of the ancient Germans, they grew into giants. Then later, after these races had been received into religion, their native languages were founded. All of which reduces to [the truth of] the antiquity of the religion of the true God, creator of Adam, and [the fact that] his pious descendants lived in Mesopotamia both before and after the Flood.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book II, Ch. LXIV

The word coarb is applied to the successor or representative of the patron saint, or original founder of a monastery, priory, or any ecclesiastical establishment; or successor of a bishop, as the coarb of St. Patrick, that is, the successor or representative of St. Patrick at Armagh, as applied to the primates. Owen Connellan, The Annals of Ireland, (1846) 1 fn2

King Dermod died in his castle at Ferns about the 65th year of his age. His character is drawn by various writers in the darkest colours; he was rapacious, fierce, cruel, vindictive, and of violent passions; though to gain popularity he endeavoured to conciliate the lower classes of the people. It appears he was a man of great stature and strength of body, and possessed of much personal bravery. Owen Connellan, The Annals of Ireland, (1846) 2 fn6

Holingshed says, “he [Dermot] was a man of tall stature and of a large and great body, a valiant and bold warrior in his nation; from his continual shouting his voice was hoarse; he rather chose to be feared than to be loved, and was a great oppressor of his nobility; to his own people he was rough and grievous, and hateful unto strangers; his hand was against all men, and all men against him.” Owen Connellan, The Annals of Ireland, (1846) 2 fn6

Saitne or Saithne.—This was one of the establishments referred to by Michael O'Clery in his dedication to Fergal O'Gara, as possessed by the descendants of Teige, son of Kian, son of Oilioll Olum. According to O'Dugan, this district was the property of the O'Caseys, a clan in the county of Westmeath, where O'Dugan has fixed this district. Owen Connellan, The Annals of Ireland, (1846) 2fn8

Mac Giolla Phadraic was lord or prince of Ossory; and his ancient principality extended through the whole country between the rivers Nore and Suir, being bounded on the N. and E. by the Nore, and on the W. and S. by the Suir. Owen Connellan, The Annals of Ireland, (1846) 2 fn11

The people of those two territories are generally designated in the annals under the denominations of Cenel-Eoghain, or the clan of Owen, and Cinel Conaill, or the clan of Connell. Owen Connellan, The Annals of Ireland, (1846) ?2 fn13

Orgialla.—The ancient kingdom or principality of Orgiall, comprised an extensive territoryin Ulster, and was called by Ware, Usher, Colgan, and other Latin writers, Orgallia and Ergallia,—and by the English Oriel and Uriel. Owen Connellan, The Annals of Ireland, (1846) 2 fn14

The place where this battle was fought is called also Carn Achy-Leth-Derg, and is now known as the parish of Aghadeig, in the barony of Iveagh, county of Down, where there still remains a huge Carn of loose stones near Loughbrickland. Owen Connellan, The Annals of Ireland, (1846) 2 fn14

The territory conquered by the three Collas comprised according to Usher, O'Flaherty, and others the present counties of Louth, Monaghan, and Armagh, and obtained the name of Oirgiall, as stated by O'Halloran, from the circumstance of the Collas having stipulated with the monarch of Ireland, for themselves and their posterity, that if any chiefs of the clan Colla should be at any time demanded as hostages, and if shackled, their fetters should be of gold: thus, from the Irish or, gold, and giall, a hostage, came the name orgialla. Owen Connellan, The Annals of Ireland, (1846) 2 fn14

The terra Oriel, or Uriel, was in general confined by the English to the present county of Louth, which in former times was part of Ulster; that province extending to the Boyne at Drogheda. Owen Connellan, The Annals of Ireland, (1846) 2fn14

The O'Carrolls continued kings of Orgiall, down to the twelfth century, when they were dispossessed by the Anglo-Normans under John de Courcy. Donogh O'Carroll, prince of Orgiall, the last celebrated head of this race, founded the great Abbey of Mellifont in Louth, in the twelfth century. Owen Connellan, The Annals of Ireland, (1846) 2 fn14

Part of the territory of Louth and Armagh was called Cuailgne, from Cuailgne, another son of Breogan, who, according to our old Annalists, was killed there in a battle between the Milesians and the Tuatha-De-Danans, about a thousand years before the Christian era. Owen Connellan, The Annals of Ireland, (1846) 2 fn14

The descendants of Conall Cearnach were the Magennises, lords of Iveagh, in Dalaradia, or county of Down, the O'Moras, or O'Moores, princes of Leix, in Kildare and Queen's county, and others. Owen Connellan, The Annals of Ireland, (1846) 2 fn14

In the reign of king John, A.D. 1210, Louth was formed into a county, and acquired its name from the town of Louth, in Irish Lugh Mhagh. In the Inquisitions the county is called Lovidia. Owen Connellan, The Annals of Ireland, (1846) 2 fn14

The chief Anglo-Norman or British families settled in Louth were the De Lacys, De Verdons, De Gernons, De Pepards, De Flemmings, barons of Slane; the Bellews of Barmeath, who had formerly the title of barons of Duleek; the De Berminghams, earls of Louth, a title afterwards possessed by the Plunkets, a great family of Danish descent; the Taaffes, earls of Carlingford; the Balls, Brabazons, Darcys, Dowdals, and Clintons, the Dromgools of Danish descent, &c.; the Fortescues now earls of Claremont, and in more modern times, the family of Gorges, barons of Dundalk; and the Fosters, viscounts Ferard, and barons of Oriel. Owen Connellan, The Annals of Ireland, (1846) 2 fn14

This part of Orgiall was overrun by the forces of John de Courcy in the reign of king John, but the Mac Mahons maintained their national independence to the reign of Elizabeth, when Monaghan was formed into a county, so called from its chief town Muineachan, that is, the Town of Monks. Owen Connellan, The Annals of Ireland, (1846) 2 fn14

Brefne.—Brefney was divided into two principalities, viz., Brefney O'Rourke, or West Brefney, comprising the present county of Leitrim, with the barony of Tullaghagh and part of Tullaghonoho, in the county of Cavan; and Brefney O'Reilly, or East Brefney, now the county of Cavan; the river at Ballycormell being the boundary between Brefney O'Rourke and Brefney O'Reilly. Owen Connellan, The Annals of Ireland, (1846) 3 fn16

In a future number a full account will be given of these two territories, and all their clans. Owen Connellan, The Annals of Ireland, (1846) 3 fn16

Cuircne, or Machaire Cuircne.—This district comprised the present barony of Kilkenny West, in the county of Westmeath, which, according to O'Dugan and Dr. O'Brien, was the lordship of O'Tolarg. Owen Connellan, The Annals of Ireland, (1846) 3 fn17

Tanist of Brefney&mash;“A successor was nominated for the prince in his life-time to fill the throne after his demise. As suppose his son or brother, or the most respectable relation, they denominated him Coimree, a word translated from the finger on which the ring is worn, which comes nearest to the middle finger in situation and length. Owen Connellan, The Annals of Ireland, (1846) 4 fn20

Thus Tanist, (or the heir apparent,) second to the prince in rank and authority, and from this the title of Tanistry-law is derived by Davis and Ware. Each of the other candidates of the family is called Riogh Damhna, (or heir presumptive) which is royal, that is, a subject qualified to receive the royal form. Owen Connellan, The Annals of Ireland, (1846) 4fn20

Thomond.—Tuadh Mumhan or North Munster, which formed in ancient times a kingdom in itself, and of which a full account will appear in a future number. Owen Connellan, The Annals of Ireland, (1846) 4 fn22

Jon Loftson's farm of Odde in South Iceland was a famous centre of culture. His grandfather, Saemund the Learned, was renowned as a priest and as a student of the ancient history of Norway and Iceland. He had set up a school which became both celebrated and popular; and it was continued under his son Loft and his grandson Jon. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) ix

Snorre Sturlason, the author and compiler of the Sagas of the Norse Kings, was born in Iceland in 1178, and he could boast of many illustrious ancestors. His grandfather, Thord Gilsson, had married a descendant of Haldor Snorreson of Hjardarholt, and, with her, inherited the title of gode or chieftain. Thord's son, Sturia of Hvamm, married Gudny, the daughter of Bodvar Thordson. On her father's side, she sprang from the famous family of bards or scalds, the Myremen, the family of Egil Skallagrimson and Einar Skuleson; and, through her grandmother, from the renowned justiciary and scald, Markus Skjeggeson. Sturla Thordson is said to have been clever and ambitious, aggressive and unscrupulous. [viii] He was constantly at variance with other chieftains in connection with public or private affairs; but he never failed to stand up for his subordinate thing-men, in order thereby to increase his status and influence. In his later days he had a dispute with Paal Solveson of Reykjaholt; but he lost his cause, for Jon Loftson of Odde, the most powerful man in the land, took the side of Paal and secured justice for him. In order to appease him for the defeat, Jon offered to foster Sturla's three-year-old son Snorre. This was a magnanimous and flattering proposal, and Sturla willingly accepted it. This led to a very close connection between the Odde family and the Sturlungs, as the descendants of Sturla came to be called. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) viii-ix

By his marriage Snorre obtained the control of considerable means, which he employed with sagacity and industry. Like his father and brothers, Snorre was an enterprising and energetic farmer; and like them, too, he was fond of power and property and not too scrupulous in his methods of adding to his estate. Thus at an early period he secured possession of several large farms in the south and west of Iceland. He induced Magnus Paalson, a priest who was getting old and frail, to hand over to him the management of Reykjaholt, which was really Church land. Magnus and his wife became pensioners of Snorre, who undertook to advance the interests of the priest's sons as well as he could. And having taken possession of Reykjaholt, Snorre immediately began to act as if the property were his own, pulling down and rebuilding as [x] he pleased. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) x-xi

Snorre's brothers, Thord and Sighvat, had also added to their lands and influence; indeed Thord had become the most powerful chieftain in the north of the island; and with his family connections he eventually became as influential in the north-east as the Odde family in the south-west, to the circle of which Snorre still belonged. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xi

At an early age Snorre had earned the reputation of being “a good scald” and learned in the law. His first known efforts were historical poems on the Norse kings, Sverre, who died in 1202, and Inge, and on Inge's half-brother. Earl Haakon. Snorre sent these poems to Norway, but all trace of them has been lost. Earl Haakon greatly appreciated Snorre's poem, for he sent him valuable gifts and invited the scald to visit him, promising him great honour. The Earl also begged Snorre to compose a poem on his Swedish wife, Fru Kristine, and this poem, Andvaka, was in due time prepared and forwarded. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xi

In the summer of 1214 Snorre thought seriously of going to Norway; but in the meantime rumours reached Iceland that the Earl was dead, and the scald postponed his visit. His skill in the law was so well known that in 1215 Snorre was chosen Law-speaker or President of the Althing. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) ?xi

In the autumn he met King Haakon and Earl Skule at Viken, just as the final peace was concluded between the Birchlegs and the Bagler or Bishop's men, and the latter had done homage to the King. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xii

Some years previously the Odde clan had given annoyance to the merchants of Bergen in Norway. Saemund Jonson of Odde, as he was entitled to do, had fixed the prices at which certain Norwegian wares were to be sold. Either the prices or the mode of procedure had exasperated the mercantile community of Bergen; for when Paal, Saemund's son, visited Norway in 1216, and began to bluster somewhat, the burghers of Bergen jeered at him and wished to know if he were an earl or if he aspired to be the king of Norway. Paal was enraged at their mockery and he shook the dust of the city off his feet. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xii-xiii

But on his voyage homewards the vessel was wrecked off Stadt and the young man was among the lost. When the report of this calamity reached Iceland, Paal's countrymen revenged themselves by plundering the Bergen merchants who happened to be in the island; and they in [xii] turn retaliated by slaying Saemund's brother Orm, who was the best of all the clan. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xii-xiii

In the autumn of 1220 Snorre returned to Iceland. The rumour of his stay at the king's residence, his new title, the importance of which the chiefs suspected, and his commission to be a peacemaker, all awakened distrust in the Odde clan. But fortunately for Snorre a local conflict much weakened Saemund Jonson's power; and so it was comparatively easy to secure peace for the Norse traders in Iceland. Thus far Snorre had kept his promise to the Norse King and the Earl; and, as arranged, he sent his son Jon to Norway, where he was received into Earl Skule's bodyguard and remained in the country for three years. But Snorre did nothing to get his countrymen to accept the sovereignty of the Norwegian King; and it is evident that he had only been compelled by force of [xiii] circumstances at the time to make any such promise. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xiii-xiv

Snorre in the year 1222 again accepted the position of Law-speaker, manifestly with the intention of making the office a step to his recognition as paramount arbitrator and peacemaker. Snorre also endeavoured to establish the position by a family and marriage policy such as was common enough among the magnates of Iceland, but which had never been carried out on the scale Snorre attempted. Among other alliances he won over to his side Thorvald Gissurson, the head of the Haukadal clan, by proposing a marriage between Thorvald's youngest son Gissur and his own daughter Ingebjorg. And, with the assistance of Thorvald, Snorre entered into a community of goods with Hallveig Ormsdatter, the widow of Snorre's former foe, Thorvald's son Bjoörn. It was practically a marriage that Snorre thus entered into in 1224, although the ecclesiastical solemnisation could not take place until his wife Herdis died in 1233. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xiv

And yet from 1233 onward Snorre's power slipped from him [xiv] quickly and, in great measure, by his own fault. For he was not only ambitious but also grasping, if not avaricious. He had become influential through his marriage connections; but by his closefistedness he failed to bind his relatives and sons-in-law to him, by sharing his power and his wealth with them. Thus, when his eldest son Jon came of age and wanted to marry and to have Stavaholt for a residence, Snorre refused to give it to him and thought that he should be satisfied with his mother's estate and live at Borg with her. In high dudgeon Jon went off a second time to Norway and there lost his life in a brawl. His brother-in-law, Gissur Thorvaldson, who happened to be present, brought back Jon's belongings to Iceland and explained how the unhappy event had occurred. Since, however, others had previously described the incident to Gissur's disadvantage, he had to purge himself by oath from any participation in Jon's death. Snorre then declared himself satisfied; but when Gissur shortly afterwards divorced his wife, Snorre's daughter, all connection ceased between Snorre and the powerful Haukadal clan. And when Snorre's younger son Uroökja had married Kolbein's sister and desired, as his brother formerly had done, to receive Stavaholt from his father, Snorre again sought for pretexts to keep the property in his own hands. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xiv-xv

Shortly afterwards, Snorre's wife Hallveig died suddenly, and he had to face the disagreeable task of sharing her valuable estates with his two stepsons. These made a claim on half the joint estate; but Snorre maintained that the chief properties, Reykjaholt and Bessastader, were outside the community of goods. The parties therefore came to a provisional and partial agreement, viz., to divide the movables and the books, the settlement about the remainder being postponed. Klöing and Orm then sought the aid of their uncle Gissur, who joyfully took advantage of this excuse to pick a quarrel with Snorre. He prepared a plan of attack in concert with Kolbein the Young, and then he summoned his supporters and submitted to them King Haakon's letter. Gissur declared that he meant to obey the King's injunction to capture Snorre. Klöing said that he would support his uncle; but Orm, his younger brother, who had been brought up with Snorre, refused to take any part in the attack on his stepfather and returned to his own home. Snorre had received warning in a letter written with secret runes, which, however, he did not properly understand, although he gathered that he must be on his guard. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xviii

Perchè la lira da principio fu la corda pur detta [chorda] da' Greci; e la prima corda dovette esser fatta di vinchi, che a vi si dissero vimina da' Latini, appo i quali fu detta fides, che si truova nel suo retto antichissimo detta fis, il cui obbliquo è fidis, in significato di forza e potestà; onde a' Latini, restarono implorare fidem s domandare altrui fonsa in ajuto; e recipere infidem, ricevere sotto la potestà y protezione o imperio: e con tale allegoria naturale e convenevole all'età severa de' fondatori delle nazioni si spiegano tutte le favola, ove entra il carattere eroico della lira; che prima fu di una corda di vinchi, significante la potestà di ciascun padre nello stato delle famiglie sotto la forza o imperio degli Dei, che dovette essere la prima e propia fides Deorum. Poi fu di più | corde composta nello stato delle prime città; nelle quali si unirono per ciascheduna più forze di padri in un ordine regnante che comandasse le leggi: e la legge ne restò a' poeti detta lyra regnorum.
[At first the lyre was a cord, still called γορδἀ [chorda] in Greek, and the first cord must have been made of withe, which was called vimina in Latin, from vi [‘force’]. In the very oldest times, it was also fides, with fis as the nominative and fidis the genitive, meaning ‘force’ and ‘power’. Hence the expressions implorare fidem, that is, ‘to implore the force of others’, and recipere in fidem, or ’to receive under the power, protection or authority’ [of others], survived among the Latins. And with this allegory, which is both natural and suited to the severe age of the founders of the nations, all the fables in which the heroic character of the lyre enters should be explained. At first the lyre consisted of a single cord of withe, signifying the power that each father in the state of the families held under the force or authority of the gods, which must have been the first and proper fides deorum. Later, in the state of the first cities, it came to consist in a number of cords, [signifying that] in each of the cities the force of the fathers was united in a ruling order which commanded the laws. Hence the poets continued to call the law, lyra regnorum (‘the cord of the kingdoms’).] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book III, Ch. XIV

De' quali il primo è questo: che si pongano uomini nello stato dell'uomo di Obbes, di Grozio, di Pufendorfio; sicchè non sappiano astrarre propietà da' corpi; ove vogliano unire due diverse spezie di propietà di due corpi di spezie diverse, eglino uniranno in una idea essi corpi: come se vogliono unire la propietà dell'uomo dall'aspetto umano, con la propietà di usar con le madri; e tale atto abbiano essi osservato più allo spesso nelle bestie mansuete più salaci, e però più proterve o sfacciate, come i caproni, de' quali appo Latini restò propiamente detta protervia l'atto dd caprone che in amore mira la capra: essi uniranno uomo e capra, e fingeranno Pane e i Satiri: i quali come selvaggi, conforme ne è rimasta l'oppenione, dovettero essere i primi de' Dei minori. Qui si scuopre il principio di tutti i mostri poetici.
[But to come, once and for all, to the head of the science of the causes responsible for all the obscurity in the fables, we establish the following seven principles. First, then, when men are in the state posited by Hobbes, Grotius and Pufendorf, in which they are unable to abstract properties from bodies, should they need to unite two different kinds of properties belonging to bodies of different kinds, they will unite the two bodies in a single idea. If, for example, they need to unite the property of man in his human appearance with that of mating with his mother, since this is an act observed most frequently in the more lustful, and therefore bolder and more brazen, of domestic beasts, such as goats, which is why the Latins used to describe the act of a lustful goat sighting a female goat, quite properly, as an act of protervia [‘wantonness’], they will unite ‘man’ and ‘female goat’ and thus imagine Pan and the satyrs. And since the belief that they were savages has remained constant, Pan and the satyrs must have been the first of the minor gods. Here the principle of all poetic monsters is discovered. Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book III, Ch. IX-XIV

II. Principio delle Metamorfosi: Se questi atessi uomini non sappiano spiegare che un corpo ha preso la propietà d'un altro corpo di spezie diversa, per la quale egli abbia perduto quella della sua spezie, perchè non sanno astrarre le propietà de loro subietti essi immagineranno un corpo essersi in altro cangiato: come per significare una dorma la qual prima divagava, poi si fermò in certo luogo, nè più divagò; immagineranno tal donna cangiata in pianta; con quella stessa maniera di pensare onde certamente vennero le metafore piantarsi per istar fermo, piante di case le fondamenta, e sopra tutto piante di famiglie i loro ceppi o pedali. Qui si souopre il principio di tutte le metamofosi, o sieno poetiche trasformazioni di corpi; che era il secondo principio dell'oscurità delle Favole: nella quel cosa noi qui ci ammendiamo di ciò che ne avevamo scritto altrove.
[Principle II: Concerning metamorphoses: If these same men are unable to abstract properties from their subjects, and the only way in which they can explain how a body has acquired a property from a body of a different kind is by losing its own kind of the property, they will imagine that one body has changed into another. Thus, to signify a woman who, after a life of wandering, abandons this life to settle down in a certain place, they will imagine that she has changed into a plant. This was the manner of thinking from which metaphors such as ‘to plant oneself’ for ‘to settle down’, ‘the plants of houses’ for their ‘foundations’, and, above all, that of ‘family trees’, with their stocks or trunks, certainly arose. Here the principle of all metamorphoses, or poetic transformations of bodies, which is the second principle of the obscurity of the fables, is discovered. On this matter we here correct what we have written elsewhere about it.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book III, Chapter X

III. Principio della Sconcezza delle Favole.
Da' due anzi detti si spiega con facilità il terzo principio dell'oscurità delle Favole, che è quello della loro sconcezza, nata da menti corte, tarde e povere di parlari; per le quali cagioni gli nomini infelici in sommo grado a spiegarsi uniscono le cose allo 'ngrosso; come sconcia e inettissima sopra tutt'altre è quella: Cadmo uccide il serpente: semina i denti: da' solchi nascono uomini armati; lancia una pietra, e questi combattono e si uccidono tra di loro: la qual favola si troverà contenere un gran tratto di storia, che dal tempo che i padri di famiglia ridussero le terre alla coltura si scorge fino a quello in cui guerreggiarono le città degli ottimati. […]
[Principle III: Concerning confusion in the fables:
From the two foregoing principles, the third principle of the obscurity of the fables, their confused nature, can be explained with ease. This confusion is born of minds that are limited, slow and impoverished in words, as a result of which, with only the most miserable ability to explain themselves, men will unite things wholesale. The supreme example of such confusion and incongruity is the fable in which Cadmus first slays the serpent, then sows its teeth in furrows, from which come forth armed men who proceed to fight and kill one another. This fable, as we shall discover, contains a large tract of history, running from the origin of the political heroes who founded the first cities up to the heroes of the wars. This is how we should understand the sort of characters in which Cadmus wrote all of his heroic history, if we are to comprehend the abyss of obscurity in which the fables of the first times of Greece lay until Homer. For even in his times, which were contemporary with those of Numa and about eight hundred years after Cadmus, the Greeks had not yet discovered vulgar characters, so that it was the families of rhapsodes who, for long afterwards, preserved Homer's poems by memory. Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book III, Chapter XI

IV. Principio dell'Alterazione delle Favole.
Il quarto principio dell'oscurità delle Favole fu quello della loro alterazione: perchè naturalmente la mente umana, per l'indiffinita sua capacità, le cose udite e non diffinitamente rapportate suole ricevere in modo maggiore; e così ricevute per lungo tratto di tempo per mani massimamente d'uomini rozzi ed ignoranti, ella deve alterare ed ingrandire all'infinito: ond'è che delle cose o antiche o lontane ci perviene per lo più molto falsa la fama e sempre magnifica, la qual però fu detta prender forza ed ingrandire per cammino. Questo è 'l principio dell'alterazione delle Favole, come di quelle degli smisurati corpi e forze de giganti e degli eroi. E questa ancora è la cagione dell'apparenza del mondo, il quale sembra antico assai sopra il merito della verità e della fede: il quale nel bujo fin ora delle sue origini ha parato agl'increduli della Sacra Storia presso che di una infinita antichità; ove alla luce di questa scienza si dimostra essere molto fresco. [Principle IV: Concerning changes in the fables.
The fourth principle of the obscurity of the fables lies in the changes that occur to them. For since the human mind is of indefinite capacity, when the things it hears are of indefinite report, it receives them in some magnified way, and receiving them thus, over long periods of time and almost exclusively through the hands of rough and ignorant men, it must naturally and endlessly alter and enlarge them. Thus it is that what reaches us concerning things that are very old and distant comes with a fame that is in large part false and has been said ‘to gain in strength and size on the way’. This is the principle of such changes in the fables as those concerning the inordinate size in body and strength of the giants and heroes. And even now it is the reason why, given the darkness in which its origins have hitherto lain, the world, the appearance of which is old enough to satisfy the demands of truth and [the Christian] religion, has seemed to those who disbelieve sacred history to come close to an infinite antiquity. But, in the light of our Science, it is demonstrated to be very young.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book III, Chapter XII

V. Principio dell'Impropietà della Favole per l'Idee.
Il quinto principio dell'oscurità delle Favole egli è che le menti delle nazioni greche col più e più spiegarsi all'infinito, naturalmente andarono ad ingrandire le Favole contro la mente cortissima de' primi loro fondatori; e con lo allontanarsene ne vennero ad impropiare di molto le significazioni primiere. Così, per esemplo, a capo di secoli, intesa la vera altezza del cielo e delle stelle per grandissimi spazj sopra la cima del monte Olimpo, dove fino a' tempi di Omero erano stati allogati gli Dei, esse nazioni greche innalzarono naturalmente i loro Dei alle stelle: e quella espressione d'innalzare il grido alle stelle ivenne iperbole, che prima si disse con verità.
[The fifth principle of the obscurity of the fables lies in the minds of the Greek nations, which, as they developed increasingly and endlessly, naturally enhanced the fables beyond the very limited understanding of the founders of their nations, so that, as they grew more distant from those founders, they came to give highly inappropriate accounts of those first meanings. Thus, for example, when, after many centuries, the Greek nations came to understand that the skies and stars were very much higher than the top of Mount Olympus, upon which, up to Homer's time, the gods had dwelt, they naturally raised their gods to the stars. Hence, the ex-pression ‘to shout to the stars’ became a hyperbole, whereas formerly it was used to express the [literal] truth.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book III, Chapte XIII (199)

VI. Principio dell'Impropietà delle Favole da' Parlari.
Il sesto principio dell'oscurità delle Favole egli è che col cangiar de' costumi per lungo volger di tempi i nostri parlari volgari medesimi a'impropiano, e si oscurano da sè stessi; lo che molto più dee essere accaduto alle favole: di che sieno esempli queste tre voci, lira, mostro ed oro.
[Principle VI: Concerning the impropriety of the fables that de-rives from [new] words: The sixth principle of the obscurity of the fables concerns the way in which, when cus-toms change over the long passage of time, our vulgar words themselves change in such a way as to lose and obscure their original meanings, a process that must have been very much more prevalent in the case of the fables. Examples of this are found in the three words, ‘lyre’, ‘monster’ and ‘gold’. Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book III, Chapter XIV (202)

Importanti Discoverte del Diritto della Guerra e della Pace per si fatto Principio di Poesia.
Così la voce ladrone, la quale significò, prima di ogni altra cosa, eroe che guerreggia, quando ne' tempi barbari facevano le guerre senza intimarle; perchè le prime città si guarda-vano tra loro come eterne nemiche: onde con sì fatto titolo onorevole su i greci teatri Esone padre di Medea la prima volta salata Giasone: di che pure vi ha un bel vestigio nella legge delle XII Tavole, ove dice: Adversus hostem aeterna auctoritas esto: che non mai si perda il dominio della roba occupata dallo straniero; sicchè doveva essere una guerra eterna per ricuperarla: onde tanto bisognava significare straniero, quanto perpetuo nimico: e per essere perpetuo nemico bastava non essere cittadino; per quella celebre divisione che le antiche genti latine facevano di civis ed hostis per parti che ne' lor tempi barbari erano sommamente opposte tra loro: quali sorte di guerre eterne sono oggi tra le genti di Barbaria e le Cristiane; che perciò forse dalle cristiane questa costa d'Affrica è detta Barbaria, da tal costume barbaro di questi loro eterni corseggi: siccome da'Greci restò detta Βαρβαρία la costa d'Affrica sul mar Rosso, nella quale era la Troglodizia: ma più innanzi dovettero essere tutte le altre nazioni, da' Greci in fuori, nel tempo che avevano già spogliato cotal costume; per quella celebre loro divisione di Greco e di Barbaro, che più ampiamente per nazione rispondeva a quella de' Latini più ristretta per cittadinanza di civis ed hostis. Ma in distesa incomparabilmente più ampia di quella de' Greci, e quasi infinita, il popolo di Dio, per la di lui unità e verità, la qual è pur una, divise inondo delle nazioni tra Ebrei e Genti. Onde s'intenda con quanto senno Grozio, Pufendorfio e sopra tutti il Seldeno fondino i loro sistemi sopra un diritto comune ad entrambi! Dipoi ladrone passò a significare soldato guarda corpo del re; nella qual significazione durava a' tempi di Plauto. Finalmente restò a significare assassino. Così l'ospite, che prima significò straniero guardato con l'aspetto di eterno nimico; nel qual significato i Trogloditi ammazzavano gli ospiti entrati ne' loro confini, che fu il costume di tutte le genti barbare; poi significò straniero osservato con le leggi santissime dell'ospitalità: e dalla ricorsa barbarie agl'Italiani restarono oste per l'albergatore, e per gli alloggiamenti di guerra, che dicono oste amica o nimica. Sì fat-te voci, di tanto impropiate negli ospizj di Giasone e di Paride, ci oscurarono le storie della spedizione degli Argonauti e della guerra Trojana, ed in somma il diritto della guerra di tutte le genti eroiche: anzi sopra il dissolutissimo Paride ci tramandarono per iscelleratissimi Giasone e Tesco, di cui fa Virgilio imitatore il suo Enea; i quali tolgono l'onore alle regine donzelle, o ve-dove; ne ricevono beneficj immortali, e poi crudelmente le tradiscono e le abbandonano; che non farebbono oggi li più scellerati assassini.
[Important discoveries concerning the law of war and peace resulting from the foregoing principle of poetry: Thus, in the barbaric times when people went to war without a prior declaration, the foremost meaning of the word ‘robber’ was ‘a hero who wages war’, for the first cities regarded one another as eternal enemies. Hence, in Greek theatre, Medea's father, Aeson, used this as an honourable title when he greeted Jason. A fine vestige relating to this is to be found in the Law of the Twelve Tables, in the section entitled Adversus hostem aeterna auctoritas esto [‘Against a stranger the right of possession is eternal’], i.e. that the ownership of anything occupied by a stranger is never lost, so that eternal war was needed to regain it. Hence ‘stranger’ and ‘perpetual enemy’ must have had the same meaning. And to be a perpetual enemy it was sufficient not to be a citizen, in virtue of the celebrated distinction that the ancient Latin peoples drew between civis [‘citizen’] and hostis [‘stranger’], where hostis applied to those from regions which, in their barbaric times, were extremely hostile to the Latins. Eternal wars of this sort take place today between the peoples of Barbary and the Christians and it may be that the Christians named this coast of Africa ‘Barbary’ from the barbaric custom of such eternal pirates, just as the Greeks retained the name Βαρβαρία [Barbaria] for the coast of Africa on the Red Sea, where Troglodytice was situated. But later, when the nations had all shed this cus-tom, the Greeks must have used the celebrated distinction between ‘Greek’ and ‘barbarian’ to dis-tinguish themselves from all nations beyond their borders. This corresponded, though in wider compass because it obtained between nations, to the Latin distinction between civis and hostis, which was more restricted because citizenship entered into it. By reason of their unity and truth, however, which are still unique, the people of God divided the world into He-brews and gentiles, with an extension that was incomparably wider than the Greek distinction and was, indeed, almost infinite. Hence we can see how much sagacity Grotius, Pufendorf and, above all, Selden, showed when they founded their systems upon a law common to the Hebrews and the gentiles! Later the word ‘robber’ came to mean ‘the king's bodyguard’, which endured into Plautus' time. And finally it finished up by meaning an ‘assassin’. Similarly the word ‘guest’ first meant ‘a stranger regarded as an eternal enemy’. This was its meaning when the Troglodytes slew all the ‘guests’ who entered their boundaries, as was the custom of all the barbaric peoples. Next, it meant ‘a stranger to be treated in accordance with the most holy laws of hospitality’, and after the recourse of barbarism it survived in the Italian word oste for both a ‘hostelkeeper’ [i.e. ‘keeper of guests’] and ‘soldiers' quarters’, which were described either as ‘friendly’ or ‘hostile’. But, as a result of applying anachronistic meanings of these words to the hospices of Jason and Paris, the histories of the expeditions of the Argonauts and of the Trojan War and, in short, the law of war of all the heroic peoples, were obscured. For, contrary to the truth, and with a record worse even than that of the highly dissolute Paris, Jason and Theseus, a model for Virgil's Aeneas, have come down to us as the most villainous of rogues, men guilty of depriving young queens and widows of their honour, of accepting immortal benefits from them and then betraying and abandoning them in ways so cruel as not even the most villainous of pre-sent-day assassins would adopt.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book III [Ch. XIV]

Or per sì fatte cose eroiche de' Greci si rende assai dubbia la Storia Romana antica in ciò che ne racconta: se i Romani rapirono le Sabine ricevute ad albergo dentro essa Roma, o scorrendo più tosto essi per la Sabina; che dovettero essere i giuochi equestri di questi tempi: se la donzella Orazia fosse stata promessa in moglie ad uno degli eroi Curiazj da quegli Albani che poco prima sdegnarono dar moglie ad esso Romolo, perchè straniero, almen per rendere a lui la vece di averli liberati dal tiranno, ed aver loro restituito il loro legittimo re: o pure uno de' Curiazj avesse quella rapita, come Paride rapì Elena: nel cui seguito ben questa piangeva il morto marito.
[Important discoveries concerning the law of war and peace resulting from the foregoing principle of poetry: But these heroic Greek things render some of the things recounted in ancient Roman history highly doubtful. Did the Romans, for example, abduct the Sabine women after they had received them in hospitality within Rome herself or, conversely, did they do so by raiding the land of the Sabines, where the equestrian games of those times must have been held? And had the young Horatian girl been promised in marriage to one of the heroes of the Curiatii, when these very same Albans, a little earlier, had disdained to provide a wife even for Romulus, because he was a stranger, in reward for his part in liberating them from tyranny and restoring their king to them? And had one of the Curiatii really abducted her, as Paris did Helen, when so soon afterwards the girl was found weeping for her dead husband? Hence these doubts about Roman and Greek history mount up and become common to both.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book III, Ch. XV

Perchè fu la stessa l'età dell'oro de' Greci, che l'età di Saturno de' Latini, detto così a satis, da' seminati che per mietere usò la falce. Del rimanente i Dei praticavano con gli uomini in questa età a quella fatta che gli eroi si dissero figliuoli degli Dei: Astrea abitava in terra; perchè eran creduti regnare in terra i Dei, che con gli auspicj comandassero le umane cose: e l'innocenza era tale, quale quella di Polifemo, che dice ad Ulisse, esso e gli altri giganti curare le loro famiglie, e nulla impacciarsi delle cose altrui. Tutte le altre idee attaccatele di un eroismo pastoreccio galante furono desiderj d'ingegni dell'età di Mosco e di Anacreonte marci d'amore dilicatissimo. Poi l'oro non ebbe altro uso che dì metallo, con l'istessa indifferenza che'1 ferro. E con questa allegoria costumata si schiarisce il vero di tutte le Favole, ove entra il carattere d'oro, o tesoro, o ricchezza; e si difendono gli eroi d'Omero dalle lorde tacce dell' avarizia; che vogliono essi cangiare i loro scudi di ferro con gli altrui d'oro, e, cangiati, non ne rendono contraccambio. Lunga età dopo dal pregio e dal colore di così gran frutto dell'industria, e sì nenessario all'umano mantenimento, il metallo fu detto oro.
[For the golden era of Greece was the same as the Latin era of Saturn, who took his name from satis, i.e. ‘the sown fields’ that were reaped with scythes. This, however, was the age in which the gods mated with mortals, through which the heroes were said to be the children of the gods; the age in which Astraea dwelt on earth because it was believed that the gods reigned on earth and commanded human affairs through their auspices; and the age of the sort of innocence described by Polyphemus when he tells Ulysses that he and the other giants attend to their families and have nothing to do with anything else. All the other ideas of a pastoral heroism of gallantry that have been attached to these things represent the desires of the ingenious in the ages of Moschus and Anacreon, corruptions born of an over-refined love. Next, the only use gold had was as a metal, in this respect no different from iron. With this [interpretation of this] traditional allegory, light is thrown upon the truth of all allegories into which the character of gold, treasure or wealth enters. Thus Homer's heroes are defended from the foul stain of being avaricious when they wanted to exchange their iron shields for others made of gold but then, after the exchange, did not want to compensate for the difference. Only much later, because of the value and colour of this great fruit of human industry, so necessary for human upkeep, was this metal called ‘gold’.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book III, Ch. XIV

• FW 82.22f
• 2010
• 1939
• MS BL 47472-158
• JJA 46:34 Usage
• Draft: I.4§1A.3

the grand old gardener was saving daylight one sultry sabbath afternoon in prefall paradise peace by following his plough for rootles in the rere garden of ye olde marine hotel James Joyce, Work in Progress (from TS or proofs I.2§1) 133

followed, also at walking pace, by a lady pack of cocker spaniels James Joyce, Work in Progress (from TS or proofs I.2§1) 133

Forgetful of all save his vassal's plain fealty to the ethnarch, James Joyce, Work in Progress (from TS or proofs I.2§1) 133

hasting to the forecourts of his public in topee, surcingle, plus fours and bulldog boots James Joyce, Work in Progress (from TS or proofs I.2§1) 133

two of his retinue of gallowglasses, Michael, etheling lord of Leix in Offaly, and the jubilee mayor of Drogheda, Elcock, James Joyce, Work in Progress (from TS or proofs I.2§1) 134

The great fact emerges that after that historic date all holographs so far exhumed initialled by Haromphrey bear the sigla H.C.E. James Joyce, Work in Progress (from TS or proofs I.2§1) 134

in a wardrobepanelled tuxedo completely thrown back from a shirt well entitled a swallowall, James Joyce, Work in Progress (from TS or proofs I.2§1) 135

on every point far outstarching the laundered clawhammers and marbletopped highboys of the pit stalls and early amphitheatre. James Joyce, Work in Progress (from TS or proofs I.2§1) 135

Missing Wiltshire Girl. Novel Search Experiment.
[…] In an endeavour to locate any body which might be in the river an ingenious experiment was carried out on Sunday night. A quantity of mercury was placed in a loaf of bread attached to a long line, the idea being that the bread floating over a spot where a body might rest would hover there, and give an indication of what was below. Irish Times (5 May 1925) 11/4

The Thirsk Incident. O'Sullivan's Horses Advertised For Sale.
O'Sullivan, whose horse Azimuth had a sample of its saliva taken for veterinary examination of selling the entire stable of horses owned and trained by him, and an advertisement to that effect appeared in some of yesterday's cross-Cannel papers. Irish Times (5 May 1925) 10/1

Carriage Drawn By Dutch Students. […]
The reception accorded to the Prince at Stellenbosch was a further concrete proof of the improvement of relations between British and Dutch, Stellenbosch being the home of Nationalism. […] Although the Chairman had announced that no speeches would be made at the luncheon—served by the prettiest girls in the municipality—the Prince, in response to whispered requests, sprang to his feet and said briefly in Afrikaans: “I thank you for your welcome and hospitality.” Irish Times (5 May 1925) 7/4

VII. Principio dell'Oscurità delle Favole; il Segreto della Divinazione. (1)
Il settimo e più di tutti gli altri natural principio dell'oscurità delle Favole, fu egli il secreto della divinazione; per cui i Poeti si dissero jrwaf, che Orazio volta Deorum interpretes: onde le Favole dovettero esser i loro misterj, e i caratteri poetici la lingua sacra de' Greci. Così la serpe, per esemplo, significò a' poeti eroi la terra; perché ha la spoglia cangiante di nero, verde e giallo, che ogni anno pur muta al sole. Onde l'idra è la gran selva della terra, che recisa ripullula via più capi, detta da ύ°ωρ [hudoor], acqua, del passato diluvio; ed Ercole la sponse col fuoco, come fanno ancor oggi i nostri villani, ove sboscano le selve. Onde Calcante, celebre indovino appo Omero, interpetra la serpe che si divora gli otto passarmi; e la madre altresì significare la terra trojana, che a capo nove anni verrebbe in potere de' Greci: a' quali pure da όφις, serpe, restò detta ώφέλεια, la preda di guerra. E così può esser vero che i Poeti involsero dentro i velami delle Favole la loro sapienza.
[Principle VII: Concerning the obscurity of the fables: the secrecy of divination: The seventh and most frequently encountered natural principle of the obscurity of the fables is the secrecy with which divinity was practised, as a result of which the poets were called μύστες [mystes], which Horace translated as deorum interpretes [‘interpreters of the gods’]. Hence the fables must have been the mysteries and poetic characters of the sacred language of the Greeks. Among the heroic poets, the serpent, for example, signified the earth because it casts off its skin, changing from black to green and yellow, just as the earth changes annually under the sun. The Hydra, growing ever more heads when beheaded, is the great forest of the earth. It took its name from the ύ°ωρ [hydor] or ‘water’ of an earlier flood, and Hercules used fire to destroy it, just as our present-day peasants do when they clear the forests of trees. Homer's celebrated diviner, Calchas, interpreted the eight swallows and their mother who were devoured by the serpent as signifying the land of Troy which, at the end of nine years, would be in the power of the Greeks, and the Greeks continued to call the booty of war ώφέλειας[opheleia] from όφις [ophis] or ‘serpent’. In this sense it can be true that the poets enveloped their wisdom in the veils of fable.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book III, Ch. XV

As we shall see, Snorre was a specially careful historian and a famous writer of laudatory and commemorative poems. At an early age he began to collect books. He probably inherited many from his foster-father, Jon Loftson, and still other volumes came into his possession through his connection with Hallveig, Jon's granddaughter. A Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xx

And Snorre undoubtedly made copies of valuable books himself, or had copies made, in order that he might have them at hand for reference. Indeed he seems to have had in his possession almost everything the Icelandic literature had produced up to his own day; for only thus can we explain his frequent and apt quotations from the earlier and later scalds. Apart from some laudatory poems, we know of no important work of Snorre's until 1222-23, when the Edda was completed. His other great work, Heimskringla, belongs to the later portion of his life. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xx

There are two Eddas. The Elder Edda is the name applied to a collection of ancient mythological poems attributed erroneously to Saemund the Learned. The Younger or Prose Edda is the composition or compilation of Snorre Sturlason. The term Edda appears for the first time in a fragmentary poem at the end of Codex Wormianus, circa 1200. There it means great-grandmother. Some maintain that Edda means “The Odde Book,” but considerable ingenuity is needed to bring such a derivation within the range of probability. The real meaning of the word is unknown; but Edda is now generally understood to mean “poetics,” the art of poetry: and Snorre's Edda is practically a text-book for young scalds. About the year 1290 the Upsala Codex applied the term to Snorre's compilation, which is a trilogy. The three parts of the Prose Edda were probably composed at different times; but together they form a whole. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xx

GYLVAGINNING.—The first part is called Gylvaginning, i.e., the tricking of Gylve. A Swedish king, Gylve, set out to visit the Aeser, who by necromancy received him in a magnificent palace. Their chiefs discussed with him the most important legends regarding the origin and maintenance of the world, the mightiest gods and their destiny, and Ragnarok, the death of the gods and the end of the universe. Thereafter everything disappeared and Gylve found himself standing out on [xx] the open plain. He returned home and told his experiences, repeating the many stories he had heard. The introduction is wholly the work of Snorre, who makes admirable use of the conversational form so characteristic of the instruction books of ancient times. But the most of the myths were borrowed from the old pagan poems, especially Voluspa, which is now known from the so-called Elder Edda, copies of which Snorre probably possessed. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xx-xxi

The first part is called Gylvaginning, i.e., the tricking of Gylve. A Swedish king, Gylve, set out to to visit the Aeser, who by necromancy received him in a magnificent palace. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xx

SKALDSKAPARMAÁL.—The second part of the Edda was called Skaldskaparmal, i.e., “poetic language.” Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xxi

This [second] part [of the Edda] likewise represented a conversation at a banquet given by the Aeser, the chief actors being Aegir, the god of the sea, and Brage, the son of Oden. Brage began by telling the legend of Suttung's mead, the poets' drink, and the origin of the scaldic art. When Aegir asked about the elements of the art Brage explained that it consisted of the scaldic language and the varieties of verse. Snorre gives more than 300 quotations of scaldic expressions from the verses of the most famous scalds of the preceding centuries. In his treatment of this part of the subject Snorre relates many myths and hero legends which found no place in Gylvaginning. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xxi

HAÁTTATAL.—The third part, Haáttatal, i.e., “the list of verse forms,” contains a poem of 102 verses composed by Snorre. Perhaps it would be better to say that it is not one poem but three, which relate to King Haakon Haakonson, to Earl Skule, and to the two together, respectively. The poem not only sings the exploits and events in the lives of the princes, but also describes the merry life in the King's hall and the Scald's relation to the King and the Earl. It is indeed the expression of Snorre's thanks for the reception he had received when in Norway. It was probably composed during the winter of 1222, and in the spring of 1223 Snorre's son, Jon, would take it with him to Norway and hand it to the King and the Earl, when they met in Bergen. Hdttatal is accompanied by a learned explanation in prose of the rules for versification and their various modifications. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xxi

The Edda shows not merely the wealth of poetry Iceland possessed in these early days, but also what a master of song Snorre himself must have been. The form of the Edda is specially interesting, for it gives us a handbook of the versification of the scaldic art, since each verse is different from every other. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xxi

Icelandic historic literature in the ancient Norröne tongue began with the priest Are Torgilsson, the Learned, whose Islendingabok, written shortly after 1120, contained the story of the island and a brief survey of the history of Norway, the motherland. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xxii

This book is lost, but a second edition was produced about 1135, and the portion of it relating to Iceland is still extant; whilst some portions of Are's History of Norway have been included in later books. Are Torgilsson was a conscientious inquirer who did his best to discover the truth and sift out the false, by questioning old and veracious men. He endeavoured with success to clear up chronological confusion; and his brief survey of important events and his consistent chronology deserve all praise. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xxii

Iceland was so rich in legends and scaldic poems relating to Norway's kings that these were soon committed to writing, especially the traditions about the two Olafs. Continuous historical chronicles, more or less trustworthy, had also been written down in Norway, principally in Latin, and these were translated into Norse or Icelandic and thereby became known in Iceland. Then the Icelanders began to set down what they saw or experienced in their own day. The first of these was Eirik Oddson who, like Are the Learned, made a point of questioning those who were familiar with the events; and so he became the first historian of contemporary events. He wrote circa 1150-60, “about Harald Gille and his two sons Inge and Sigurd, and Magnus the Blind and Sigurd Slembe.” Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xxii

As we have previously noticed, there were already in existence long sagas about the two Olafs, and it was natural to fill up first the gap between St. Olaf and Sverre. This was done in the years 1217-20 by an author who wrote the Sagas of the Kings from Magnus the Good, a work which is preserved in a

MS. dating from about 1300. This history is full of scaldic verses, but it has not been carefully compiled, and it contains many unhistoric traditions and inaccuracies.
xxiv: Of contemporary scaldic verses Snorre makes the demand which might be expected from the great authority on the scaldic art, that they shall be “properly sung and sensibly composed;” and it is quite evident that by adhering to this rule he has corrected many errors made by his predecessors. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xxiii

One characteristic of Snorre is his art. The historic saga was biography. Snorre's work is a collection of biographies with remarkable character sketches. The special feature in his work is that everything irrelevant is rejected, and that every detail helps to illumine the whole. His collection of biographies of Norwegian kings has thereby become a history of the race, where every individual member stands out with his own peculiar traits. In contrast to his forerunners, Snorre includes in the sketches of the main personages a great many subsidiary characters, but only when these are a frame round the central figure and do not take away the interest from him. Snorre made a point of describing the character of a king exactly as he understood it; and from that character he worked out the individual's fate. For this purpose he described [xxiv] the persons as speaking and conversing. Snorre probably borrowed this feature from Abbot Kari and Monk Odd, adopting it deliberately and making opportunities for his chief characters to express themselves or take part in discussions when he wanted to show the motive and effect of some particular act. In these addresses every word was written out of the character of the person in question; although of course the speeches were composed by Snorre. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xxiv-xxv

There were many manuscripts of Snorre Sturlason's Sagas of the Kings both in Iceland and Norway. The most ancient vellum was that which is now called Kringla. It was written in Iceland about twenty years after Snorre's death. It contained a supplement, “Skaldatal,” which gave a list of all the court scalds of historic times, with information regarding the Norwegian kings and princes for whom they wrote. The list of scalds stopped at Snorre's nephews, Olaf Kvitaskald, who died in 1259, and Sturla Thordson, who lived till 1284; and doubtless one of these had given instructions for the copy of the original to be made. Sturla Thordson probably took the book with him to Norway on his visit thither in 1263. At any rate Kringla reached Norway at an early date and was preserved in or near Bergen until the close of the sixteenth century, after which it found its way to the University Library at Copenhagen. It had then lost the first page which contained Snorre's preface, and at the top of the second page, which had become the first, stood the words, Kringla heimsins, i.e., “the world's round ball.” And so the vellum received the name Kringla Heimsins or Heimskringla or simply Kringla. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xxv

In 1698 a copy of Snorre's Sagas of the Kings was made by Asgeir Jonsson from Jofraskinna, but it perished in the Copenhagen fire in 1728, all except seven pages which were afterwards found in the three capitals, Copenhagen, Stockholm, and Christiania. Eirspennill, i.e., “the book with the copper clasps,” was made about the year 1300 by an Icelander for circulation in Norway. It contained only a portion of Snorre's work, namely, the Sagas from Magnus the Good onward, and it included the Sagas from Sverre to the death of Haakon Haakonson. It reached Norway prior to 1570 and it was purchased by Arne Magnusson, in whose great collection it may yet be seen. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xxvi

Unger's edition is the groundwork of most of the later translations, e.g., Hildebrand's in Sweden; Steinar Schjött's translation into the Norse Landsmaal, an artificial language based upon the local dialects, a language which many ardent patriots hope will one day be the official language of Norway; and Morris and Magnusson's in our own land; whilst Dr. Rasmus Anderson made use of it in editing the second edition of Laing's Heimskringla in 1889. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: the Olaf Sagas, (1915) xxix

[POETS AND PATRIOTS OF ULSTER / A DISTINGUISHED FIGURE] […] Irwin was born at Warrenpoint on May 4, 1823. Particulars about his boyhood days are lacking, but it is evident from his writings that he received a good classical education. In his early man hood he travelled through France, Belgium, Holland, and Switzerland, and acquired a mastery of the Romance languages. His finest artistry is revealed in pictures of foreign scenes, as, for instance, in his description of the return to Venice in the “Night on the Lagunes”:
“But lo! the moon is high,
And glimmers distantly.
Banano's, Alps, like drifts of withered rose, along the sky;
And falls the dim dawn rain,
As Venice ward again
We speed to sleep and dream the hours till vespers spark again.” Irish Independent (5 May 1925) 6/5

[POETS AND PATRIOTS OF ULSTER / A DISTINGUISHED FIGURE] When many parts of “Northern Ireland” are beginning to throb with vague spasms of change, it is opportune for all who are, in Mr. Joseph Devlin's words, “proud of the unpartitioned name of Irishman,” to recall that Ulster has given some of our best men to Ireland. When the political intransigence and sectarian hate which have disfigured the life of “Protestant Ulster” shall have been driven out by enlightened patriotism and commonsense, the memory of these pioneers, poets, and patriots of Ulster will be, it is safe to assume, remembered and fittingly honoured by a grateful and a united Ireland. Of the poets, the one most deserving of remembrance is Thomas Caulfield Irwin. Irish Independent (5 May 1925) 6/5

[POETS AND PATRIOTS OF ULSTER / A DISTINGUISHED FIGURE] […] In certain circumstances, and on certain conditions, the past may be usefully forgiven, but never forgotten. The inspiration which moves men to better and higher things comes from it. And no one can read Irwin's poetry without becoming bettered and ennobled. In the anthologies of Anglo-Irish poetry we seldom, if ever, meet with Irwin's name; yet there are men living in Dublin to-day—he was carried to rest in Mount Jerome in February, 1893— who remember the distinguished figure of our poet as he sauntered through the streets with hunger in his stomach, and gold in his soul. His own lines provide an appropriate conclusion to this biogram:—
“Sing, memories, sing—the heart that can behold
Heaven in the sunset little heeds its gold.” Irish Independent (5 May 1925) 6/5

Si ritruova la vera Origine delle Imprese Eroiche. Ora ripigliando il filo della nostra tela, dal ragionato esemplo di numerare gli eroi contadini nella loro età poetica le messi per gli anni, si scuoprono tre grandi principj di cose, de' quali uno è dell'imprese eroiche, da cui dipende la cognizione d'importantissime conseguenze intorno alla scienza del diritto naturale delle genti. Imperciocchè bisogna che a tutti coloro che hanno delle imprese ingegnose ragionato, ignari affatto delle cose di questa Nuova Scienza, la forza del vero avesse loro fatto cader dalla penna, che le chiamassero imprese eroiche: le quali gli Egizj chiamarono lingua simbolica, o sia per metafore, o immagini, o simiglianze; la qual lingua anche essi riferiscono essersi parlata nel tempo de' loro eroi; ma noi qui pruoviamo essere stata comune di tutte le nazioni eroiche sparse per l'universo. Imperciocchè nella Scizia il di lui re Idantura a Dario il maggiore, che gli aveva intimata per ambasciadori la guerra , siccome oggi farebbe il Persiano al Tartaro, che tra loro confinano, manda in risposta una ranocchia, un topo, un uccello, un aratro ed un arco; volendo per tutte queste cose dire che Dario contro la ragione delle genti gliel' arebbe portata.
I. Perchè esso Idantura era nato nella terra della Scizia, come le ranocchie nascono dalle terre dove esse si ritruovano; con che dinotava la sua origine da quella terra essere tanto antica, quanto quella del mondo. Sicchè la ranocchia d'Idantura è appunto una di quelle nelle quali i Poeti Teologi ci tramandarono, gli uomini essersi cangiati, nel tempo che Latona partorì Apollo e Diana presso le acque, che forse vollero dire del diluvio.
[The discovery of the true origin of the heroic emblems: Now, returning to the order of our discourse, our reasoned example of the way in which, in their poetic age, the heroic peasants counted their harvests as years leads to three great discoveries. The first concerns the heroic emblems, upon which our knowledge of some extremely important consequences for the science of the natural law of the gentes depends. But since none of the authors who have worked out their many ingenious accounts of these emblems had any idea of the discoveries made in this science, it must have been the force of the true itself that made the expression ‘heroic emblems’ flow from their pens. The Egyptians referred to these emblems as a ‘symbolic language’, i.e. a language of metaphors, images and resemblances, which, they said, had been spoken in the time of their heroes, but we shall prove here that it was a language common to all the heroic nations spread throughout the universe. For when the ambassadors of Darius the Great declared war against King Idanthyrsus of Scythia, thus confining the war to the two kings, as would the present-day king of Persia against the queen of Muscovy, Idanthyrsus replied by sending a frog, a mouse, a bird, a ploughshare and a bow, in order to tell Darius, by means of these five objects, that such a war would violate the law of the gentes.
I. Because Idanthyrsus was himself born in the land of Scythia, just as frogs are born in the lands where they are found, thus signifying that his origin in that land was as old as the origin of the world. Hence Idanthyrsus' frog was precisely one of the frogs into which, according to what the theological poets have passed down to us, men changed at the time when Latona gave birth to Apollo and Diana close to the waters, by which the poets may have meant to refer to the Flood.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book III, Ch. XXVII

Che esso nella Scizia si aveva fatto la sua casa, o sia gente, come i topi si fanno le tane nelle terre dove sono essi nati.
[That his house or clan had been created in Scythia, just as mice make their holes in the lands in which they are born.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) II

Che l'imperio della Scizia era suo; perchè ivi esso aveva gli auspicj; talchè per l'uccello d'Idantura, un re eroico di Grecia arebbe mandato a Dario due ale; un re eroico latino gli arebbe risposto, auspicia esse sua.
[That the empire of Scythia was his because he possessed its auspices. Thus where a heroic king of Greece would have sent Darius two wings in place of Idanthyrsus' bird, a heroic Latin king would have replied auspicia esse sua [‘that the auspices belonged to him’.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) III

Quindi, che '1 dominio sovrano de' campi della Scizia era pur suo; perché esso vi aveva doma la terra con ararla.
[Hence, that he had sovereign ownership of the fields of Scythia, because he had tamed the land by ploughing it.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) IV

Finalmente, che perciò esso vi aveva il diritto sovrano dell'armi, per difendere le sue sovrane ragioni con l'arco.
[Finally, that, as a result of this, he had the sovereign right of arms to protect his sov-ereign laws with the bow.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) V

Altri Principj della Scienza del Blasone.
Il secondo principio è quello della scienza del Blasone, che si truova essere la prima lingua del diritto naturale delle genti, che noi sull'incominciare dicemmo bisognarvi, per ragionare con iscienza de' suoi principj: il parlare del qual diritto fu il celebre FAS GENTIUM, che chiamando Giove in testimone ad alta voce nell'intimare le guerre e concepire le paci, gli araldi latini gridavano Audi, Jupiter, audi FAS: che era un parlare solenne e certo, per segni manifesti e naturali, qual è appunto il parlar dell'imprese eroiche: che è una lingua dell'armi, con cui spiegano i manifesti, co' quali rispondono Idantura a Dario, Tearco a Cambise. Onde da sè stessa esce in primo luogo e si scuopre la vera origine dell'imprese gentilizie, che furono una certa lingua armata delle famiglie: le quali imprese furono innanzi l'araldiche, siccome i nomi delle attenenze o i casati furono innanzi delle città, e le città innanzi delle guerre, nelle quali combattono le città: perchè certamente gli Americani, che si governano ancor per famiglie, dagli ultimi viaggiatori si osservano usare i geroglifici, co' quali si distinguono tra loro i capi di esse: onde tale si dee congetturare, essere stato il loro primo uso appresso le antiche nazioni.
[New principles of the science of blazonry:
The second principle [that follows from our example of the numbering of years in the poetic age] is that of the science of blazonry. This science is found to be the first language of the natural law of the gentes, which, as we said at the outset, is necessary for any scientific reasoning about principles. The language of this law was the celebrated Fas gentium [‘The divine law of the gentes’] that the Latin heralds invoked when declaring war or formulating peace agreements by calling upon the testimony of Jove, which they did by shouting, in their loudest voice, Audi, Iupiter, audi fas [‘Hear us, Jupiter, hear us, divine law’]. This was a solemn and certain language of manifest and natural signs, a language of heroic emblems which provided a language of arms for expressing proclamations of war, such as those with which Idanthyrsus replied to Darius and Etearchus to Cambyses. Hence, in this armed language of the natural law of the gentes, we discover first the true origin of the first family coats of arms, which constituted a certain language of arms of the families. This was followed later by the heraldic coats of arms, because the names of the clans or houses came before those of the cities and the names of the cities before those of the wars in which they fought. And since, as the latest travellers have observed, the Americans, who are still governed by families, certainly use hieroglyphics to distinguish the chiefs of their families, it must be conjectured that this was how they were first used among the ancient nations.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book III, Ch. XXVIII

Finalmente, quando avvennero le prime turbolenze eroiche, per le quali i clienti si ammutinarono in plebi, e i nobili si strinsero in ordini, sopra i quali sursero le prime città; alle quali per richiamarsi i plebei, bisognò ritruovare le ambascerie; vennero gli ornamenti e le corone alle imprese nobili; che in quella semplicità mandarono gli araldi, cinti il capo, e coverti le spalle di erba santa, che sono le verbene, con che si armavano di superstizione, perchè forse era tenuta erba a' soli nobili lecita di toccare;
[Finally, upon the occurrence of the first heroic disturbances, in which the clientes rebelled, [composing themselves] into plebs, and the nobles united in orders, the first cities arose. Since it then became necessary for embassies to recall the plebeians to the cities, more ornaments and crowns were added to the noble emblems. For, in that [age of] simplicity, when heralds were sent out, their heads and shoulders were covered by a holy plant such as verbena, because of the superstition that if they were armed in such clothing they would be rendered safe from harmful enemies. Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book III, Ch. XXIX

[…] della qual erba vestiti fossero sicuri tra essi infesti nimici: e ne restò ad essa erba il nome di santa, d'inviolabile; con la cui santità furono sante le mura, che erano i primi recinti delle picciole città, come siepi, quali si ritruovarono quelle dell'America; dalle quali mura si coglievano, come certamente gli araldi romani coglievano le verbene dalla rocca del Campidoglio: e dalla stessa erba santa furori detti santi gli ambasciadori che la vestivano; sante le leggi che essi ambasciadori portavano. Fornirono altresì il caduceo di ale, e di ale ornarono le tempia e i piedi, come poi ne restò dipinto Mercurio, Dio dell'ambascerie, per significare che venivano mandati da' nobili, de' quali erano gli auspicj: e ne vennero all'imprese le co-[239]rone co' raggi, che sono i lati e gli angoli delle foglie; e le frondute, che sono quelle de' principi; e i lambrequini, che sono fogliami che, cadenti da' cimieri, cuoprono le spalle delle armi: e le penne sopra essi cimieri.
[This superstition may have arisen because it was thought that nobles alone should touch this plant. Hence it continued to be called ‘holy’ and ‘inviolable’, and because it was gathered from the hedges that made up the first fences or walls of the small cities, the walls themselves were sanctified and became holy, as has been found in America. For it is certain that the Roman heralds gathered verbena from the fortress of the Campidoglio, and that the ambassadors who wore this holy plant were ‘holy’, just as the laws that they took with them were ‘holy’. The heralds were also furnished with a winged caduceus and their temples and feet were adorned with wings, just as Mercury, the god of embassies, later continued to be shown in paintings, to signify that they were the augurs of the nobles who had sent them. Thus to their emblems were added crowns, the rays of which were represented by the sides and edges of leaves; leafy branches, representing the branches of princes; mantlings, i.e. leaves that had fallen from their crests and covered the shoulders of their arms; and, on the top of their crests, plumes.] Giovanni Battista Vico, Principes de la philosophe de l'histoire (edition unknown) Book III, Ch. XXIX

[“Obsessive Acts and Religious Practices”]: It is easy to see wherein lies the resemblance between neurotic ceremonial and religious rites; it is in the fear of pangs of conscience after their omission, in the complete isolation of them from all other activities (the feeling that one must not be disturbed), and in the conscientiousness with which the details are carried out. But equally obvious are the differences, some of which are so startling that they make the comparison into a sacrilege: the greater individual variability of neurotic ceremonial in contrast with the stereotyped character of rites (prayer, orientation, etc.); its private nature as opposed to the public and communal character of religious observances; especially, however, the distinction that the little details of religious ceremonies are full of meaning and are understood symbolically, while those of neurotics seem silly [27] and meaningless. In this respect an obsessional neurosis furnishes a tragi-comic travesty of a private religion. Sigmund Freud, Collected Papers II (1924) 27-8

[“Obsessive Acts and Religious Practices” (1907)]: A progressive renunciation of inherent instincts, the satisfaction of which is capable of giving direct pleasure to the ego, appears to be one of the foundations of human civilization. Some part of this repression is effected by means of the various religions, in that they require individuals to sacrifice the satisfaction of their instincts to the divinity. ‘Vengeance is mine, saith the Lord.’ Sigmund Freud, Collected Papers II (1924) 34

The Roman numen is devoid of human characteristics. He has not even sex, or at least his sex is indeterminate. How indefinite the numen is, is seen in the old prayer formula in which appeal is made to spirits, sive mas sive femina “whether he be male or female.” These vague spirits or numina were associated with particular places and were regarded with vague feelings of awe inclining towards fear rather than love. J.E. Harrison, Mythology (1924) xv

The real specialization of the numen was not in his character but in his function; this area of action was carefully circumscribed; he presided over some particular locality and activity of man, and the numina were almost as numerous as the activities. Thus there is Cunina who guards the child's cradle, Edulia and Potina who teach him to eat and drink, Statilinus who makes him stand up and so on. In fact the numen is only the image of an activity, he is never a personality though he may be the first stage to impersonation. J.E. Harrison, Mythology (1924) xv